柳恽《江南曲》赏析

发布时间： 2007-6-25 11:32:39 被阅览数： 545 次 来源： 中国国学网
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汀洲采白蘋，日落江南春。洞庭有归客，潇湘逢故人。

故人久不返，春华复应晚。不道新知乐，空言行路远。



柳恽，字文畅，生于宋泰始元年(465年)，卒于梁天监十六年(517年)。祖籍河东解州(今山西运城)，南朝梁著名诗人、音乐家、棋手。

柳恽父柳世隆，南齐尚书令，左光禄大夫、侍中。兄柳惔，梁尚书左仆射。柳恽从小深受父、兄影响，勤奋好学，少有志向，才华出众，远近闻名。齐竟陵王萧子良闻其名识，请他在朝中当法曹行参军，并极赏识之。齐武帝时，官至太子洗马，后因父丧辞官回乡。

从齐武帝开始，萧齐宗室内部不断相互倾轧、残杀。齐和帝中兴元年(501年)，雍州(今湖北襄樊附近，刺史萧衍带兵进攻建康(今江苏南京)，柳恽“候谒石头(今南京)”，主动投诚，封为冠军将军、征东府司马。当时齐东昏侯还未投降，士兵还在苦战。柳恽陈书请求攻下石头时，先收图籍，宽大为怀，怃恤百姓。萧衍点头同意，让柳恽西上荆州(今湖北江陵县)迎接齐和帝萧宝融，并任命他为相国右司马。柳恽开端效忠萧梁王朝。

梁天监元年(502午)萧衍建立梁朝，柳恽为侍中，与仆射，著名史学家沈约等共同定新律。以后在朝中，历任散骑常侍、左民尚书，持节、都督、仁武将军、平越中郎将、广州(今广东广州)刺史。又“征为秘书监、领左军将军”。曾两次出任吴兴(今浙江吴兴县)太守，“为政清静，人吏怀之。梁天监十六年(517年)卒，享年53岁。赠侍中，中护军。
　　
柳恽是齐梁时有成就的诗人之一。他年轻时以擅长赋诗闻名，晚年在吴兴任官也作许多诗篇。名篇《江南曲》是作者在汉乐府诗的影响下，创作的有代表性的五言诗。诗描绘妻子见到久别的丈夫，半喜半忧的复杂心理：
　　
诗中刻画人物心理细致，景情交融，特别是起句为后人赋诗中奉为典故引用。《江南曲》一直和吴筠的《小垂手》及梁简文帝的《夜曲》一起，被视为五言律诗的滥觞。
　　
柳恽的其他诗句，如《捣衣诗》中的“亭皋木叶下，陇首秋云飞。”《从(梁)武帝登景阳楼》中“太液沧波起，长扬高树秋。”诗以素物抒发作者的思想感情，颇有影响，并为论诗者鉴赏。又如《独不见》风格别具，写失意惆怅之情。柳恽的诗句是梁五言宫体诗的代表作。风格自然朴素，深挚含蓄，毫不雕饰。
　　
柳恽的大半生是在宫廷和贵族周围度过的，他的诗句不免附合君主贵族的兴趣。诗中描绘宫廷花草、树木、服饰等，来满足皇帝贵族的娱乐要求。梁武帝每次举行宴会，总要让他赋诗，他们互唱互和，以诗助兴。柳恽的诗句广为流传。著名文学家王融把他的诗句写到书斋的墙壁和执着的白团扇上。柳恽晚年与文学家吴筠关系甚密。吴筠诗文具有清拔之气，人称“吴筠体”。在吴兴柳恽“召(吴筠)补主薄，日引与赋诗。”他们相互赠诗，以表友人之情。柳恽的诗风清新秀美，格调也比较健康，在当时诗坛上有一定影响。柳恽的诗文收在《柳吴兴集》中，共12卷，南宋末尚存1卷，已佚。他的少量诗文散见于《艺文类聚》、《初学记》、《玉台新咏》中。近人严可均《全上古三代秦汉三国六朝文》辑其文1篇，逯钦立《先秦汉魏晋南北朝诗》辑其诗18首。
　　
柳恽少时学琴，其父是闻名于世的弹琴高手，他深受指点和熏陶，以后他又拜著名的琴手嵇元荣、羊盖为师。他天资聪颖，琴技精湛，天下闻名。一次萧子良在院内摆酒设宴，将晋代宰相谢安曾用过的鸣琴摆在一侧，请柳恽弹奏，他以娴熟的技艺奏出悦耳动听的琴声，使在场的人都陶醉了。萧子良赞叹说：“卿巧越嵇心，妙臻羊体，良质美手，信在今辰。岂止当世称奇，足可追踪古烈。”又一次，柳恽赋诗未就，以笔敲琴，附近的客人过来，用筷子一起敲打，琴中发出悲哀的音乐，使柳恽为之一惊，于是制为雅音。从此敲琴演奏便开始了。柳恽弹琴善于推陈出新，他论述琴法，“以今声转弃古法”。著有《清调论》。
　　
柳恽善下围棋，是著名的棋手。梁武帝也最好围棋，他命柳恽负责在全国范围内进行棋品的评定。柳恽品定棋谱，作《棋品》3卷。他评定棋手名次优劣，登格者共278人。柳恽自己名列第二。这是我国古代围棋史上一次规模最大的评定棋手等级的盛会。柳恽还是博射高手。博射是古代一种游戏，他“发必命中”。
　　
柳恽还精医术，通晓医学精妙之道。还擅长占卜，著有《卜杖龟经》。可惜他的著述均己散佚。
　　
柳恽是南朝齐梁时著名诗人、琴手、棋手，以多才多艺著称天下。梁武帝赞赏他说，“吾闻君子不可求备，至如柳恽可谓且美，分其才艺，足了十人。”

National Velvet

While reading about Elizabeth Taylor recently, I learned from her early movie "National Velvet" that Velvet is actually a female name. For several years I used an email address that contains the word "velvet," and I never realized it had any female connotation. How much confusion and misunderstanding could that have caused? I first learned the word from the phrase "Velvet Revolution" and the theme song of the movie Godfather, "Speak Softly Love," sung by Andy Williams ("Wine-colored days warmed by the sun / Deep velvet nights when we are one.")

A nice parody

[per alex's gtalk status]

This is just the start and it never fucking ends

http://inanities.org/2011/03/this-is-just-the-start-and-it-never-fucking-ends/

Posted on March 2, 2011 by Sarah Carr

After reading this gem in the New York Times, we prevailed on Thomas Friedman to provide us with a part two. And here it is.

Future historians will long puzzle over how I was given an international platform to freely pontificate on the Arab people and be remunerated handsomely for it. It is true that I am not the only person in the world who formulates dubious theories based on scant or no evidence which I then harangue people with. Other people do it. They are called taxi drivers. But they are not as rich as me and haven’t been awarded three Pulitizer Prizes.

Since I’ve been here in Egypt I’ve been putting together a list of “the-absolutely-irrelevant forces” that have captured the captive Arab mind and ignited the simmering coals of the instant garden BBQ that is the Middle East. You might ask why, since I am in Egypt, I don’t ask an Egyptian – possibly two Egyptians – about what inspired them to completely ignore my theories on the Arab peoples and take to the streets. The answer is this: I am Thomas Friedman and I write a column in the New York Times.

I started my last extremely important column with an introduction in which I listed tyranny, rising food prices, youth unemployment and social media as the “big causes”. Rather than just stop there, I did a Google “surprise me” search and chose five of the random results for my special “mix of forces” which inspired the Arab mass revolts. These included Barack Obama, Google Earth and the Beijing Olympics.

But there are other critical factors integral to an understanding of my bollocks theory on the Middle East. Here they are:

MY MOUSTACHE – Americans have never really appreciated what a radical thing I did in growing a moustache, long the symbol of Arab male virility. I’m convinced that when Arab men catch a glimpse of my moustache as they bring me my breakfast in my hotel they are inspired and say to themselves: “Hmmm. Let’s see. He’s middle-aged. I’m middle-aged. He’s slightly tanned. I’m roughly the same colour. His name is Thomas. My name is Hussein. He is a prick. I sometimes act like a prick. He is not president of the United States. I am not president of the United States. Lincoln is the capital of Nebraska. Water boils at 100 degrees centigrade. He has a moustache. I have a moustache. Both our moustaches have no voice in my future”. I’d put that in my special mix of hallucinogenic drugs and ingest it.

HOME SHOPPING NETWORK.com – While Facebook has gotten all the face time in Egypt, Tunisia and Bahrain, don’t forget the Home Shopping Network which has never been particularly relevant to any Arab state but let’s shoehorn it in anyway. A big issue in Bahrain- particularly among nobody at all – has been access to home solutions. On Nov. 27 2006, the Washington Post ran this report from there: “Mahmoud, who lives in a house with his parents, 97 siblings and their uncountable number of children, said he became even more frustrated when he looked up the Home Shopping Network and saw huge numbers of spring cleaning ideas for the home. ‘We are 1798 people crowded into one small house, like many people in the southern district,’ he said. ‘And you see on Home Shopping Network how they have the best solutions for mess and free shipping.’ Bahraini activists have encouraged people to take a look at the crafts section of the website, which has $5 shipping on Cricut machines.

ISRAEL – The Arab TV network Al Jazeera has a big team covering Israel today. They frequently report Israeli incursions on Palestinian towns, illegal settlements on Palestinian land, Israeli killings, torture and illegal detention of Palestinians as well as Israel’s continual transgression of international law. I will ignore this and focus on a few incidents of domestic housekeeping (and include a completely irrelevant reference to Google maps!) in order to prop up my theory and ignore the fact that if Egyptians are in any way inspired by anything that happens in Israel, it is their ability to identify with Israeli oppression of the Palestinians. When you write a column for the New York Times and your name is Thomas Friedman, well, that’s what you do.

THE COOPER’S HILL CHEESE-ROLLING AND WAKE NEAR GLOUCESTER – Gloucester and Egypt both have G in their names. Today Gloucester is the host of this event and Egypt is still living on foreign aid. What do you think Egyptians thought when they watched the dazzling opening ceremony of the 2008 Cheese-Rolling competition? It was another wake-up call – “in a way that America or the West could never be” – telling young Egyptians that something was very wrong with their supermarkets, argues Whata Loadofbollox, who teaches recreational pot pourri mixing.

THE MUBARAK FACTOR – Former Egyptian president Hosny Mubarak introduced a new form of government thirty years ago, something I, and others, have dubbed “enlightened Western-friendly leader” and others call “oppressive, corrupt dictator in bed with the West”. It says: judge me on my foreign policy towards Israel, not how I treat my own people. Every Arab could relate to this. Chinese had to give up freedom but got economic growth and decent government in return. Arabs had to give up freedom and got the Arab-Israeli conflict and my columns and books in return.

Add it all up and what does it say? It says you have a major US newspaper whose editor either has low standards or is taking backhanders so that my stuff gets published. It says that I am a huge, pompous twat. And it says that the difference between a good day a bad day for informed New York Times readers will continue to hinge on whether they open the opinion section and see my face staring out smugly at them.

March 19, 2011

Warren Christopher, Ex-Secretary of State, Dies at 85

By ROBERT D. HERSHEY Jr.

Warren M. Christopher, the secretary of state in President Bill Clinton’s first term and the chief negotiator for the 1981 release of American hostages in Iran, died Friday night in Los Angeles. He was 85.

A spokeswoman for O’Melveny & Myers, the law firm where Mr. Christopher was a senior partner, confirmed his death, according to The Associated Press.

Methodical and self-effacing, Mr. Christopher alternated for nearly five decades between top echelons of both the federal government and legal and political life in California. Among other things, he served as administration point man with Congress in winning ratification of Panama Canal treaties, presided over normalization of diplomatic relations with China and conducted repeated negotiations involving the Middle East and the Balkans.

At home, Mr. Christopher developed a reputation as an expert in urban riots, investigating racial unrest in Detroit and in the Watts district of Los Angeles and later heading a 1991 commission that proposed major reforms of the Los Angeles Police Department following riots prompted by the beating of a black motorist, Rodney King.

As a political operative, he headed Mr. Clinton’s 1992 search committee for a vice presidential running mate, settling on Al Gore, and subsequently directed the transition team of the president-elect, acting as an establishment counterweight on a team dominated by Arkansans new to the national scene. Eight years later, when Mr. Gore was running for president, he directed the search resulting in the selection of Senator Joseph I. Lieberman for the second spot on the Democratic ticket.

When the election stalemated, Mr. Christopher supervised the recount of disputed votes in Florida before George W. Bush emerged the winner by decision of the Supreme Court.

Mr. Christopher was in overall charge of the Florida recount effort, although much of the legal strategy was devised by a team of lawyers led by David Boies, the prominent corporate lawyer, and Ronald A. Klain, Mr. Gore’s former chief of staff and a onetime partner of Mr. Christopher’s at O’Melveny & Myers.

Mr. Christopher came under criticism at the time, and later in “Recount,” the 2008 HBO dramatization of the Florida vote dispute, over a lack of legal and political aggressiveness against Mr. Bush’s legal team, led by a former secretary of state, James A. Baker. The movie, in particular, portrayed Mr. Christopher as overly concerned with the niceties of the law while Mr. Baker was waging a bare-knuckled campaign on all fronts.

Mr. Klain said that was an unfair characterization. “Like all dramatic portrayals, they sought dramatic tension by exaggerating people’s personalities,” he said on Saturday. “People often confused Chris’s reserved style and personal sense of propriety with a lack of fierceness on behalf of his client. That would be a mistake.”

He said it was Mr. Christopher’s decision to challenge the Florida result, even as most Republicans and some prominent Democrats were urging Mr. Gore to concede. “People don’t remember how controversial that effort was. Without Chris’s stature and credibility, I’m not sure we would have gotten as far as we did,” Mr. Klain said.

Mr. Bush’s ascension to the White House was decreed by five Supreme Court justices, Mr. Klain insisted, not by any flaw in Mr. Gore’s legal strategy or Mr. Christopher’s leadership. “In all the years since then,” he said, “no one has come up with any workable strategic advice on how we could have gotten one of those justices to switch.”

Though widely admired for his even-handedness and equanimity — he was once described as every husband’s ideal for a wife’s divorce lawyer — Mr. Christopher was accused by detractors of lacking passionate, big-picture diplomatic vision. Even friends and associates, to whom he was known as Chris or sometimes as “the Cardinal,” said they could not discern a guiding geopolitical philosophy, regarding him as more a consummate tactician than a conceptualizer.

At the time he was named secretary of state, The New York Times reported a one-time State Department official who worked with him as saying, “If we were in a meeting on a crisis, no one would turn to Chris and say, ‘You put together the strategy memo.’ But everyone would want him to read it because he’d be very good at implementing it.”

Mr. Christopher appeared not to disagree. “My task had been to serve as steward, not proprietor, of an extraordinary public trust,” he wrote in “Chances of a Lifetime: A Memoir,” published in 2001. But he bristled at criticism that Mr. Clinton’s penchant for consultation and his own eagerness to listen had made for seminars, not decisions. “The president’s desire to consult and my Norwegian taciturnity didn’t prevent us from making the right judgments,” he said of one occasion.

Warren Minor Christopher was born Oct. 27, 1925, in the farming hamlet of Scranton, N.D., one of five children. His father, a local banker, suffered a stroke that the family believed was the result of overwork from his unsuccessful efforts keep the bank solvent during the Depression. The elder Christopher died four years later at 53 after the family moved to California.

The unabashed New Deal liberalism that young Warren embraced during this formative period remained with him throughout his career even though he made his financial fortune representing I.B.M., the Lockheed Martin Corporation and other major companies for O’Melveny & Myers, the most traditional and prestigious of Los Angeles law firms and which he eventually led.

Always impeccably dressed and unfailingly polite, Mr. Christopher told an interviewer while secretary of state that “I always thought that I would do things in a conservative way to maximize the progressiveness of my policy positions.”

While attending Hollywood High School he delivered newspapers several hours each day and, he told friends, he felt discriminated against because of his family’s difficult financial circumstances. His entered the University of Redlands at 16 but World War II intervened and he wound up in a Navy officer program at the University of Southern California, soon to serve as an ensign in the Navy Reserve on an oil tanker in the Pacific.

Mr. Christopher, who as a diplomat came to embody a reluctance to use force, supported Truman’s use of atomic bombs on Japan but later expressed doubt as to whether all alternatives had been fully explored.

After earning degrees at U.S.C. and Stanford’s law school, Mr. Christopher won a clerkship with William O. Douglas, during which he helped draft book chapters for the libertarian Supreme Court justice.

He joined O’Melveny & Myers in 1950, soon became an adviser and speech writer for California’s newly elected governor, Edmund G. Brown, and was credited with coining the term “responsible liberalism.”

Mr. Christopher, made a partner at just 33 in 1958, was named by Governor Brown to the commission investigating the 1965 Watts riots. This brought him to the attention of President Lyndon Johnson, who in 1967 brought him back to Washington, until January 1969, as deputy to Attorney General Ramsey Clark.

Here, as he focused on racial unrest in Detroit and Washington, he formed a relationship with Cyrus R. Vance, who, on being installed as secretary of state seven years later, recommended that President Jimmy Carter ask Mr. Christopher again to take leave from O’Melveny & Myers and become No. 2 at state.

As deputy, his first major task was to shepherd through the Senate the Panama Canal treaties that, in exchange for returning sovereignty to the Central American territory, gave the United States the right, if necessary, to reopen the canal militarily.

But it was his agonizing and prolonged negotiations for the release of 52 hostages held in the American Embassy in Tehran for more than a year after the 1979 revolution for which Mr. Christopher’s tenure is most vividly remembered.

Late in 1980 Mr. Christopher shuttled between Algeria, which had become a mediator, and Washington and finally brokered a deal under which the hostages would be released in return for an unfreezing of Iranian assets and a lifting of sanctions.

Even after the agreement was signed on the last full day of the Carter presidency, Iran disavowed a vital element in it, and Mr. Christopher wrote in a 2006 article about lessons learned in dealing with what he called the souk-like “bazaar behavior” of Iranian negotiators.

“To bring them back in line, I directed the pilot of my plane, on a telephone line that I knew was tapped, to warm up the engines. The Iranians quickly dropped their claim and a day later the hostages were released,” he wrote.

Mr. Christopher, usually reserved and unemotional, wept at the ultimate success.

During the captivity, an American military rescue operation failed, and when Mr. Vance resigned, Mr. Carter passed over Mr. Christopher, the logical successor, in favor of Senator Edmund S. Muskie.

But Mr. Christopher loyally remained, and a few months after the hostages were released pointed to what he said was the value of patient negotiation.

“I am thankful to have served a nation so quietly strong that it could preserve its honor, not by retaliation or vengeance, but by preserving the lives of the hostages,” he said.

After giving way to Madeleine Albright after one term as secretary of state, Mr. Christopher again returned to O’Melveny & Myers and civic and political life in California. He served as president of Stanford’s board of trustees and was a longtime director of the Southern California Edison Company.

He occasionally spoke out on international issues, urging in an Op-Ed in The Times in late 2002 that President George Bush rethink “his fixation on attacking Iraq” and turn his attention to what he considered graver threats, such as North Korea.

“Even if the optimistic predictions of quick victory prove to be accurate,” he wrote more than two months before the invasion, “we would then find ourselves absorbed with the occupation of Iraq and efforts to impose democracy on the fractious elements of that country.”

Mr. Christopher is survived by his wife of 54 years, the former Marie Wyllis, a teacher, and by their three children and five grandchildren. He had a fourth child from an earlier marriage.

Martin Jacques: Understanding the rise of China

Speaking at a TED Salon in London, economist Martin Jacques asks: How do we in the West make sense of China and its phenomenal rise? The author of "When China Rules the World," he examines why the West often puzzles over the growing power of the Chinese economy, and offers three building blocks for understanding what China is and will become.

TEDTalks is a daily video podcast of the best talks and performances from the TED Conference, where the world's leading thinkers and doers give the talk of their lives in 18 minutes. Featured speakers have included Al Gore on climate change, Philippe Starck on design, Jill Bolte Taylor on observing her own stroke, Nicholas Negroponte on One Laptop per Child, Jane Goodall on chimpanzees, Bill Gates on malaria and mosquitoes, Pattie Maes on the "Sixth Sense" wearable tech, and "Lost" producer JJ Abrams on the allure of mystery. TED stands for Technology, Entertainment, Design, and TEDTalks cover these topics as well as science, business, development and the arts. Closed captions and translated subtitles in a variety of languages are now available on TED.com, at http://www.ted.com/translate.



"good theory, arresting presentation fused with reason and passion" was my comment on Renren.

王立军证实文强临刑前日曾与其谈话50分钟

2011-03-12 02:28:00　来源: 京华时报(北京)　

核心提示：坊间盛传，在文强被执行死刑前一天，王立军亲自到看守所探望，王立军回应称传闻属实，临刑前日曾与文强谈话50分钟。他还表示，被称为打黑英雄是社会的悲哀。

重庆代表团内，作为今年新增补的人大代表，重庆市公安局长王立军最初几天并没引起太多关注。

3月6日，大会进行政府工作报告审议，王立军受命发言时，驻会记者们才猛然发现了这个涉及众多热点新闻却很少接受媒体采访的重庆市公安局长。

昨天，王立军接受本报专访，讲述他眼中的重庆打黑，讲述重庆警务创新，也讲述食品安全背后他的震撼与愤怒。

谈食品药品安全

“现在三代人守一个单亲链条。食品、药品安全问题，我们这一代不考虑，下一代怎么办？”

本次两会，首次以人大代表身份亮相的王立军，领衔提交的“关于制定‘食品、药品安全犯罪法’，以严刑峻法惩治食品、药品领域严重犯罪的议案”受到多方呼应。最终，十二个省、市、自治区439名人大代表联名提出了该议案。

据悉，这是1983年以来有据可查的联名代表人数最多的一份议案。

>>对话

京华时报：你是一名公安局长，为什么会特别关注食品、药品安全问题？

王立军：去年2月时，我还不知道我今天能作为一名人大代表坐在这里。我的一个科研课题专门研究人体结构，DNA等等。我跟一些专家学者，走了药厂、工厂、小作坊、加工厂、塑料大棚、养殖场，发现食品、药品安全的问题触目惊心。

京华时报：怎么触目惊心？

王立军：一些工厂得戴着防毒面具才能进，在一些地方，苍蝇都不往肉上落。我们架了五六台摄像机在油菜花地里，观察发现有农药的（地方），蜜蜂都不去采蜜。特别是去年我到一些小幼儿园、福利院考察，见到很多残障儿童。非常震撼。

京华时报：他们的残障跟有毒食品有关？

王立军：至少80%以上与有毒食品有关。我见过的现场太多了，自然灾害的，成千人的死我们去抢救，凶杀现场死五个、八个的也见过，但是见到这些孩子，他们那种惨烈地活着的场面让我震撼。当时是为了研究，但过程中我觉得这个问题涉及到的健康和民生更重要。所以提了这个议案。

京华时报：听说这个议案最终有400多代表签名？

王立军：实际上有500多个代表，有一部分没录进去。仅仅四天时间，还仅仅是12个省，（我）没有全部推开去（介绍议案）。这说明什么？说明问题的严重和大家的深恶痛绝！现在三代人守一个单亲链条。食品、药品安全问题，我们这一代不考虑，下一代怎么办？

谈重庆打黑

“一个社会如果产生英雄，实际上是这个社会有病，这是社会的悲哀。”

坊间盛传，在文强被执行死刑前一天，王立军亲自到看守所探望，两人的谈话长达50分钟。正是这次会面，让文强从心事重重到恢复平静。有没有这次会面？王立军对文强说了些什么？

>>对话

京华时报：你怎么看老百姓叫你打黑英雄这事？

王立军：一个社会如果产生英雄，实际上是这个社会有病，这是社会的悲哀。

我为什么不接受采访，（因为）一旦成为焦点，对我来说是一种压力。形成压力，没有意义。一个人在社会当中想要很好地服务，首先应该学会沉潜。沉潜代 表了一种专注，像抢注商标似的抢注热点有什么意义？能专注才能冷静思考、理性思考。我们的承载力和可融性很小，能力也很弱。这种情况下如果还把精力放到别 的上面去，没有意义。因为你所做的事情，人们为了肯定你，支持你，把它冠以很多的英雄主义色彩，自己千万要冷静。

京华时报：你跟文强最后谈了50分钟的说法是属实的吗？

王立军：其实不要只关注这50分钟，再往前想半步，在那么漫长的时间里，我和文强的谈话仅仅是这50分钟吗？我和文强的谈话仅仅就这一次吗？不会。但是这50分钟恐怕是他生命进入倒计时至关重要的50分钟，让他多了一份平静和从容。（谈话）这里面有人性化的元素。

京华时报：你和他聊了些什么？

王立军：他之前很焦虑，第二天释然了。这就说明啊，我是犯罪学研究所所长对了。这就说明我是心理学教授就对了，（说明）我是社会心理研究室主任也对了，（说明我是）现场心理研究中心主任也对了。

京华时报：为什么？

王立军：只有这种职业，能让一个人很释然地对待一些事情，让一个人能平静下来，或者事态能够平和下来。仅仅有责任感还不够，需要有一种职业感。必须强调职业感。

京华时报：怎么对待文强的特殊性呢？

王立军：文强，他有他的社会资历和社会阅历，他的能力、他的智商，甚至说他有他超常的一部分。作为一个职业者，理解社会的时候不可能用一个公式解决所有问题。从学术的角度讲，应该用诸多的公式来应对一个问题、一个人，就好办了。

京华时报：有人猜测他的平静源于死刑方式和家人安顿？如果涉秘，您可以不回答。

王立军：你所理解的警察，实际上只有三分之一。还有三分之一，永远不能说。还有三分之一，没有办法说，因为你没做成。他家里面是没问题的，他对家人 的一种期待，对组织上提出的一些合情合理的要求，不仅仅是文强，任何人，我们国家都应该维护他的权益。一个人犯罪不等于家人都犯罪。

京华时报：打黑过程中有哪些犯难的时候？

王立军：外界可能会觉得惊天动地、出生入死。这其实是警察被人不理解和理解的结合点。不理解的是做了这么多高难的动作，有生命之危险，错综复杂，高难高压。但是理解的就是说：哦，只有这样才是警察，这才是一个合格的警察。

它只是一种工作。就好像一个杂技演员一样，他们给人们造成悬念的动作实际上对他自己是很平淡的一件事。

京华时报：那请你告诉我一个真实的警察重要的是什么？

王立军：警察这个职业是一个抛物线。就像发射神七，飞多高不重要，飞多久不重要，能回来很重要，要找到那个最佳的结合点很重要。警察的志向、目标？重要。更重要的是你应该知道老百姓的需求，他们在想什么，应该关注那些弱势群体。这是落点。

京华时报：作为新一任的重庆公安局长，文强案给你什么样的思考？

王立军：内除积弊，外消积怨。内部的积弊不除，外面的社会积怨就不会消失。

谈警务创新

“这不是改革，只是勤务方式的一种转化。有的人为了让自己提升，做了一件事，马上说自己是改革。不要那样。”

本次两会中，重庆市委书记薄熙来在回答治理官员的问题时出语严厉：“对于官员，严是爱，宽是害。”

事实上，与打黑同步，重庆也展开了一场警务创新。其中，去年2月起,该市展开交巡警合一改革，在全市部署交巡警警力近万，对社会治安进行24小时不间断管控。

>>对话

京华时报：把原来坐机关的干部赶到街头去当交巡警，是否有压力？

王立军：首先说，这不是改革，只是勤务方式的一种转化。有的人为了让自己提升，做了一件事，马上说自己是改革。否定了别人，（就）说是改革，不要那 样。很简单，就是要适应社会需求。社会需求改变了，还干吗老是用建国初期的方式？如果说这种转变让人们失去了职务、失去了收入，增加了风险，它本身就是一 种失败！恰恰我们这种勤务、机制、体制的转型，让人们职务没失去，收入没减少，形象还提升，百姓还称赞，这不很好吗？

京华时报：有没有人不理解，觉得你太强硬？

王立军：在历史的进程当中总会有人去破题。不然社会就不是发展的。这是一个概念。第二个就是，这种阵痛是让个人失去了还是得到了？待遇降低了吗？收入减少了吗？社会没受益吗？百姓不称赞吗？不是。

京华时报：衡量这种创新的标准是什么？

王立军：有些人事情还没干，先把理想说出来了。有的人刚起步就把结果说出来了。有的人事情还没干完，经验就研究出来了，多可怕。我们基本上不说。实践是检验真理的唯一标准。老百姓说好的时候它肯定是好的。

谈学术、家人

“防弹衣？可能吗？重庆社会治安那样吗？那我还在重庆干吗？”

公安局长之外，王立军的另一重身份是西南政法的博导，研究领域为无创伤解剖、刑事现场鉴定等。

本次两会，他的这一学者特质充分体现。“DNA、RNA、线粒体……”不时从王立军嘴里蹦出来。小组讨论时，他还同一位医学界代表现场讨论起了这些专业问题。

>>对话

京华时报：你怎么平衡公安局长和学者这两个身份？

王立军：我把学术看得很重，因为它能提升我的职业，帮助我理解社会、研究社会。和大家一起共事的时候，文化的承载力和科技的力量才能让人感觉到公信 力。作为一个公安局的负责人，我就是一个班长。什么是领导？下完命令之后他一页一页翻资料，这是领。什么是导？自己先一寸一寸地走，防止有闪失。领导这两 个字就是这个意思。

京华时报：时间安排得开吗？

王立军：我好像整个的时间，没有什么业余不业余的。

我已经把我的学术完全融入到职业里了。两者是互补的。不像有人想的，我就单纯去搞研究。

京华时报：除了之前谈到的这些身份，你还是一个父亲。

王立军：我肯定不是一个好爸爸，（我需要）更多的时间去履行社会责任，把家人舍弃了。

京华时报：多年打黑，有传闻说你平时穿防弹衣，更有一些人很担心你家人的安危。

王立军：防弹衣？可能吗？重庆社会治安那样吗？那我还在重庆干吗？不会。这都是人们在猜测。公安局长都是那样吗？至于（我的）家人，应该说（他们）是安全的。

子怡同学近照

2011-03-07 16:50 来源：《时尚·COSMOPOLITAN》 编辑：时尚网/王小白 http://www.trends.com.cn/people/people/2011-03/315097.shtml

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猪窝

猪月薪5千，打算用20万建一个窝，狼不允许，说私自建就是违章建筑，只允许向王八买。王八是搞房地产的，先用20万贿赂狼取得开发权，再用50万元向狼买这块地，投资10万元把猪窝盖好，向猪要价200万元。狐狸借200万元给猪，连本带利300万，20年还清，猪全家二十年给狐狸打工。狼、狐狸、王八都挣了钱，只有猪亏，连崽子也不敢生了。猪越来越少，狼觉得这样下去大家没肉吃，于是调控。

狼显得非常重视猪窝价格太贵的问题，研究部署了遏 制猪窝价格过快上涨的政策措施。最后认定王八把猪窝价格卖得太高，是因为有的猪买了猪窝后自己不住而进行倒卖所致。于是狼规定：猪买了猪窝5年内卖了的， 要向狼交纳营业税。结果猪窝价格没降下来，狼却发了大财。狼又对狐狸说：只借钱给首先交了更多钱的猪，并提高高利贷的利息，多买猪窝的不借，交全现钱。这样狐狸在猪的购窝过程中也发了财。王八借着猪窝价格上涨的行情，以更高的价格向狼买地，并转转嫁到猪窝价格上，再加价后卖给猪。看到狼辛苦地为自己操劳， 猪很感谢狼，但还是发现猪窝价格越来越贵。狼说：这事挺复杂，还真不太好办，不过猪罗们放心，我们将继续调控，可以向已经有猪窝的猪征收猪窝税。

薄熙来：高唱红歌的政治摇滚明星

薄熙来：高唱红歌的政治摇滚明星
2011年 03月 08日 14:11
一般来说，中国领导人和摇滚明星是风马牛不相及。但在上周末一年一度的全国人大沉闷的会议期间，有一个人堪比摇滚明星──热情直率的重庆市委书记薄熙来。


Feng Li/Getty Images
2011年3月6日在北京人民大会堂，重庆市委书记薄熙来出席全国人大的一次会议。
他的大多数同僚都严格遵守干巴巴的毫无新意的稿子，薄熙来则不同。在上周日的新闻发布会上，他再次一展民粹主义的修辞技巧，让记者们饱了三个多小时的“耳福”。薄熙来被认为有望在明年晋升为中共中央政治局常委。

谈到他在重庆这一中国最大、发展最快的城市里推广“革命”价值所做的努力时，他显得格外热情洋溢。他采取的措施包括在当地卫星电视频道播出革命节目，以及发送大量取自毛泽东语录的短消息。

这位前商务部部长对雷锋精神大加赞扬。雷锋是一名军人，20世纪60年代因助人为乐事迹被树立为社会主义无私精神的楷模，22岁在指挥一辆部队卡车倒车时，被卡车撞倒的电线杆砸死，据说之后他的好事日记才被发现。薄熙来在新闻发布会期间一直将同事称作“同志”，他说，毛主席抓雷锋这个典型抓的真准。

他说，榜样的力量是无穷的，一个城市，一个国家需要这些精神楷模，并一代一代传下去；这就是为什么重庆现在要学习雷锋。

说到兴起时，他还对年轻一代沉迷网络及其他娱乐感到惋惜，他表示，如果年轻人像文化大革命期间数百万青少年一样到工厂或农村去学习一段时间，很多人会受益。

他说，一个国家，未来是年轻人的，但年轻人脑子里到底有多少东西？真是很难说。谈到什么使人“幸福”的问题（今年中国政府的核心主题）他激动不已，他说人们需要的是社区意识和对未来以及物质财富的信心。

他说：你们这些小孩子都不知道，像我们这些过来人，上了岁数的人，在上世纪50年代，那时候会有感觉。尽管当时中国还很穷，经济上很落后，但当年相当多的中国人是有幸福感的。

61岁的薄熙来在去年人大会议期间也有类似的表现，去年6月的一次讲话中也是如此，政治分析人士认为这些讲话是不同寻常的公开拉票，以寻求在明年政治局换届选举后在党内和政府内获得更强地位。

外界认为薄熙来很有可能进入政治局常委，因为他在远未到退休年龄的时候就已经属于25人政治局的一员。但不知道他将分管哪些职务，也不清楚是否会担任更重要的政府职位之一，比如国务院副总理。

据传他在去年失宠于中央领导层，但在习近平去年12月访问重庆之后其光芒再度回升。习近平目前任国家副主席，有望接替胡锦涛担任最高职务。


Associated Press
2011年3月3日早上在中国西南部城市重庆的沙坪公园，退休的老人们在“唱红歌”。“唱红歌”活动是薄熙来发起的。
薄熙来提倡“唱红歌”，似乎确实引起了很多年龄稍大的人的共鸣。在他们记忆里，1949年共产党掌权后的最初几十年是一段相对平等的时期。越来越大的贫富差距让他们感到担忧。

但他的政策让其他很多人不满。他们对1958年到1960年“大跃进”有着痛楚的记忆，在那段时期，人为的饥荒饿死上千万的中国人。他们也记得“文化大革命”时期的极左混乱。

薄熙来可能没有遭受那场饥荒的最严重景象，因为他的父亲薄一波是一位革命领导人，在北京担任政府高级职务。但文革期间他没有幸免，因为父亲遭到了迫害（后来复职）、家里多数人都被投入监狱。

周日新闻发布会上，薄熙来没有谈及自己的“太子党”背景，但他回答了一位台湾记者有关其子薄瓜瓜谈恋爱的问题，这对于一位中国领导人来说是不常见的。上个月网上出现的照片显示，在英国一家私立中学读书后进入牛津、哈佛的薄瓜瓜，和另一位已故革命领导人陈云的孙女在一起。

薄熙来听到这个问题笑了，其回答让人有些摸不着头脑：“那是第三代的事情，我觉得我们现在不是讲民主嘛？”

两个半小时之后，他让代表团其他成员去吃晚饭，自己却主动和重庆市长一起再留半个小时，回答了记者们的其他几个提问。

在代表们起身离去之时，记者们突破封锁线，好几名记者在争相接近薄熙来的过程中摔倒。和同级别的其他人不一样的是，薄熙来没有被安保人员包围。

但《华尔街日报》问起他即将进入政治局常委（中国最高决策机构）的意义时，他却显示出原则。

记者提出他是入选常委的领跑人选时，薄熙来用英语回答说：“Just guesswork（纯属猜测）！” 然后他礼貌地用中文回答：我不同意你这个问题的预设，我想还是谈谈重庆更好。

在中国政坛，就算摇滚明星也有他们的禁忌。

Jeremy Page

（更新完成）

Moliere on writing

“Writing is like prostitution. First you do it for love, and then for a few close friends, and then for money.”

-- Moliere (French Actor, Playwright and Writer, the greatest of all writers of French comedy, 1622-1673)