柳恽《江南曲》赏析

发布时间： 2007-6-25 11:32:39 被阅览数： 545 次 来源： 中国国学网
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汀洲采白蘋，日落江南春。洞庭有归客，潇湘逢故人。

故人久不返，春华复应晚。不道新知乐，空言行路远。



柳恽，字文畅，生于宋泰始元年(465年)，卒于梁天监十六年(517年)。祖籍河东解州(今山西运城)，南朝梁著名诗人、音乐家、棋手。

柳恽父柳世隆，南齐尚书令，左光禄大夫、侍中。兄柳惔，梁尚书左仆射。柳恽从小深受父、兄影响，勤奋好学，少有志向，才华出众，远近闻名。齐竟陵王萧子良闻其名识，请他在朝中当法曹行参军，并极赏识之。齐武帝时，官至太子洗马，后因父丧辞官回乡。

从齐武帝开始，萧齐宗室内部不断相互倾轧、残杀。齐和帝中兴元年(501年)，雍州(今湖北襄樊附近，刺史萧衍带兵进攻建康(今江苏南京)，柳恽“候谒石头(今南京)”，主动投诚，封为冠军将军、征东府司马。当时齐东昏侯还未投降，士兵还在苦战。柳恽陈书请求攻下石头时，先收图籍，宽大为怀，怃恤百姓。萧衍点头同意，让柳恽西上荆州(今湖北江陵县)迎接齐和帝萧宝融，并任命他为相国右司马。柳恽开端效忠萧梁王朝。

梁天监元年(502午)萧衍建立梁朝，柳恽为侍中，与仆射，著名史学家沈约等共同定新律。以后在朝中，历任散骑常侍、左民尚书，持节、都督、仁武将军、平越中郎将、广州(今广东广州)刺史。又“征为秘书监、领左军将军”。曾两次出任吴兴(今浙江吴兴县)太守，“为政清静，人吏怀之。梁天监十六年(517年)卒，享年53岁。赠侍中，中护军。
　　
柳恽是齐梁时有成就的诗人之一。他年轻时以擅长赋诗闻名，晚年在吴兴任官也作许多诗篇。名篇《江南曲》是作者在汉乐府诗的影响下，创作的有代表性的五言诗。诗描绘妻子见到久别的丈夫，半喜半忧的复杂心理：
　　
诗中刻画人物心理细致，景情交融，特别是起句为后人赋诗中奉为典故引用。《江南曲》一直和吴筠的《小垂手》及梁简文帝的《夜曲》一起，被视为五言律诗的滥觞。
　　
柳恽的其他诗句，如《捣衣诗》中的“亭皋木叶下，陇首秋云飞。”《从(梁)武帝登景阳楼》中“太液沧波起，长扬高树秋。”诗以素物抒发作者的思想感情，颇有影响，并为论诗者鉴赏。又如《独不见》风格别具，写失意惆怅之情。柳恽的诗句是梁五言宫体诗的代表作。风格自然朴素，深挚含蓄，毫不雕饰。
　　
柳恽的大半生是在宫廷和贵族周围度过的，他的诗句不免附合君主贵族的兴趣。诗中描绘宫廷花草、树木、服饰等，来满足皇帝贵族的娱乐要求。梁武帝每次举行宴会，总要让他赋诗，他们互唱互和，以诗助兴。柳恽的诗句广为流传。著名文学家王融把他的诗句写到书斋的墙壁和执着的白团扇上。柳恽晚年与文学家吴筠关系甚密。吴筠诗文具有清拔之气，人称“吴筠体”。在吴兴柳恽“召(吴筠)补主薄，日引与赋诗。”他们相互赠诗，以表友人之情。柳恽的诗风清新秀美，格调也比较健康，在当时诗坛上有一定影响。柳恽的诗文收在《柳吴兴集》中，共12卷，南宋末尚存1卷，已佚。他的少量诗文散见于《艺文类聚》、《初学记》、《玉台新咏》中。近人严可均《全上古三代秦汉三国六朝文》辑其文1篇，逯钦立《先秦汉魏晋南北朝诗》辑其诗18首。
　　
柳恽少时学琴，其父是闻名于世的弹琴高手，他深受指点和熏陶，以后他又拜著名的琴手嵇元荣、羊盖为师。他天资聪颖，琴技精湛，天下闻名。一次萧子良在院内摆酒设宴，将晋代宰相谢安曾用过的鸣琴摆在一侧，请柳恽弹奏，他以娴熟的技艺奏出悦耳动听的琴声，使在场的人都陶醉了。萧子良赞叹说：“卿巧越嵇心，妙臻羊体，良质美手，信在今辰。岂止当世称奇，足可追踪古烈。”又一次，柳恽赋诗未就，以笔敲琴，附近的客人过来，用筷子一起敲打，琴中发出悲哀的音乐，使柳恽为之一惊，于是制为雅音。从此敲琴演奏便开始了。柳恽弹琴善于推陈出新，他论述琴法，“以今声转弃古法”。著有《清调论》。
　　
柳恽善下围棋，是著名的棋手。梁武帝也最好围棋，他命柳恽负责在全国范围内进行棋品的评定。柳恽品定棋谱，作《棋品》3卷。他评定棋手名次优劣，登格者共278人。柳恽自己名列第二。这是我国古代围棋史上一次规模最大的评定棋手等级的盛会。柳恽还是博射高手。博射是古代一种游戏，他“发必命中”。
　　
柳恽还精医术，通晓医学精妙之道。还擅长占卜，著有《卜杖龟经》。可惜他的著述均己散佚。
　　
柳恽是南朝齐梁时著名诗人、琴手、棋手，以多才多艺著称天下。梁武帝赞赏他说，“吾闻君子不可求备，至如柳恽可谓且美，分其才艺，足了十人。”

National Velvet

While reading about Elizabeth Taylor recently, I learned from her early movie "National Velvet" that Velvet is actually a female name. For several years I used an email address that contains the word "velvet," and I never realized it had any female connotation. How much confusion and misunderstanding could that have caused? I first learned the word from the phrase "Velvet Revolution" and the theme song of the movie Godfather, "Speak Softly Love," sung by Andy Williams ("Wine-colored days warmed by the sun / Deep velvet nights when we are one.")

A nice parody

[per alex's gtalk status]

This is just the start and it never fucking ends

http://inanities.org/2011/03/this-is-just-the-start-and-it-never-fucking-ends/

Posted on March 2, 2011 by Sarah Carr

After reading this gem in the New York Times, we prevailed on Thomas Friedman to provide us with a part two. And here it is.

Future historians will long puzzle over how I was given an international platform to freely pontificate on the Arab people and be remunerated handsomely for it. It is true that I am not the only person in the world who formulates dubious theories based on scant or no evidence which I then harangue people with. Other people do it. They are called taxi drivers. But they are not as rich as me and haven’t been awarded three Pulitizer Prizes.

Since I’ve been here in Egypt I’ve been putting together a list of “the-absolutely-irrelevant forces” that have captured the captive Arab mind and ignited the simmering coals of the instant garden BBQ that is the Middle East. You might ask why, since I am in Egypt, I don’t ask an Egyptian – possibly two Egyptians – about what inspired them to completely ignore my theories on the Arab peoples and take to the streets. The answer is this: I am Thomas Friedman and I write a column in the New York Times.

I started my last extremely important column with an introduction in which I listed tyranny, rising food prices, youth unemployment and social media as the “big causes”. Rather than just stop there, I did a Google “surprise me” search and chose five of the random results for my special “mix of forces” which inspired the Arab mass revolts. These included Barack Obama, Google Earth and the Beijing Olympics.

But there are other critical factors integral to an understanding of my bollocks theory on the Middle East. Here they are:

MY MOUSTACHE – Americans have never really appreciated what a radical thing I did in growing a moustache, long the symbol of Arab male virility. I’m convinced that when Arab men catch a glimpse of my moustache as they bring me my breakfast in my hotel they are inspired and say to themselves: “Hmmm. Let’s see. He’s middle-aged. I’m middle-aged. He’s slightly tanned. I’m roughly the same colour. His name is Thomas. My name is Hussein. He is a prick. I sometimes act like a prick. He is not president of the United States. I am not president of the United States. Lincoln is the capital of Nebraska. Water boils at 100 degrees centigrade. He has a moustache. I have a moustache. Both our moustaches have no voice in my future”. I’d put that in my special mix of hallucinogenic drugs and ingest it.

HOME SHOPPING NETWORK.com – While Facebook has gotten all the face time in Egypt, Tunisia and Bahrain, don’t forget the Home Shopping Network which has never been particularly relevant to any Arab state but let’s shoehorn it in anyway. A big issue in Bahrain- particularly among nobody at all – has been access to home solutions. On Nov. 27 2006, the Washington Post ran this report from there: “Mahmoud, who lives in a house with his parents, 97 siblings and their uncountable number of children, said he became even more frustrated when he looked up the Home Shopping Network and saw huge numbers of spring cleaning ideas for the home. ‘We are 1798 people crowded into one small house, like many people in the southern district,’ he said. ‘And you see on Home Shopping Network how they have the best solutions for mess and free shipping.’ Bahraini activists have encouraged people to take a look at the crafts section of the website, which has $5 shipping on Cricut machines.

ISRAEL – The Arab TV network Al Jazeera has a big team covering Israel today. They frequently report Israeli incursions on Palestinian towns, illegal settlements on Palestinian land, Israeli killings, torture and illegal detention of Palestinians as well as Israel’s continual transgression of international law. I will ignore this and focus on a few incidents of domestic housekeeping (and include a completely irrelevant reference to Google maps!) in order to prop up my theory and ignore the fact that if Egyptians are in any way inspired by anything that happens in Israel, it is their ability to identify with Israeli oppression of the Palestinians. When you write a column for the New York Times and your name is Thomas Friedman, well, that’s what you do.

THE COOPER’S HILL CHEESE-ROLLING AND WAKE NEAR GLOUCESTER – Gloucester and Egypt both have G in their names. Today Gloucester is the host of this event and Egypt is still living on foreign aid. What do you think Egyptians thought when they watched the dazzling opening ceremony of the 2008 Cheese-Rolling competition? It was another wake-up call – “in a way that America or the West could never be” – telling young Egyptians that something was very wrong with their supermarkets, argues Whata Loadofbollox, who teaches recreational pot pourri mixing.

THE MUBARAK FACTOR – Former Egyptian president Hosny Mubarak introduced a new form of government thirty years ago, something I, and others, have dubbed “enlightened Western-friendly leader” and others call “oppressive, corrupt dictator in bed with the West”. It says: judge me on my foreign policy towards Israel, not how I treat my own people. Every Arab could relate to this. Chinese had to give up freedom but got economic growth and decent government in return. Arabs had to give up freedom and got the Arab-Israeli conflict and my columns and books in return.

Add it all up and what does it say? It says you have a major US newspaper whose editor either has low standards or is taking backhanders so that my stuff gets published. It says that I am a huge, pompous twat. And it says that the difference between a good day a bad day for informed New York Times readers will continue to hinge on whether they open the opinion section and see my face staring out smugly at them.

March 19, 2011

Warren Christopher, Ex-Secretary of State, Dies at 85

By ROBERT D. HERSHEY Jr.

Warren M. Christopher, the secretary of state in President Bill Clinton’s first term and the chief negotiator for the 1981 release of American hostages in Iran, died Friday night in Los Angeles. He was 85.

A spokeswoman for O’Melveny & Myers, the law firm where Mr. Christopher was a senior partner, confirmed his death, according to The Associated Press.

Methodical and self-effacing, Mr. Christopher alternated for nearly five decades between top echelons of both the federal government and legal and political life in California. Among other things, he served as administration point man with Congress in winning ratification of Panama Canal treaties, presided over normalization of diplomatic relations with China and conducted repeated negotiations involving the Middle East and the Balkans.

At home, Mr. Christopher developed a reputation as an expert in urban riots, investigating racial unrest in Detroit and in the Watts district of Los Angeles and later heading a 1991 commission that proposed major reforms of the Los Angeles Police Department following riots prompted by the beating of a black motorist, Rodney King.

As a political operative, he headed Mr. Clinton’s 1992 search committee for a vice presidential running mate, settling on Al Gore, and subsequently directed the transition team of the president-elect, acting as an establishment counterweight on a team dominated by Arkansans new to the national scene. Eight years later, when Mr. Gore was running for president, he directed the search resulting in the selection of Senator Joseph I. Lieberman for the second spot on the Democratic ticket.

When the election stalemated, Mr. Christopher supervised the recount of disputed votes in Florida before George W. Bush emerged the winner by decision of the Supreme Court.

Mr. Christopher was in overall charge of the Florida recount effort, although much of the legal strategy was devised by a team of lawyers led by David Boies, the prominent corporate lawyer, and Ronald A. Klain, Mr. Gore’s former chief of staff and a onetime partner of Mr. Christopher’s at O’Melveny & Myers.

Mr. Christopher came under criticism at the time, and later in “Recount,” the 2008 HBO dramatization of the Florida vote dispute, over a lack of legal and political aggressiveness against Mr. Bush’s legal team, led by a former secretary of state, James A. Baker. The movie, in particular, portrayed Mr. Christopher as overly concerned with the niceties of the law while Mr. Baker was waging a bare-knuckled campaign on all fronts.

Mr. Klain said that was an unfair characterization. “Like all dramatic portrayals, they sought dramatic tension by exaggerating people’s personalities,” he said on Saturday. “People often confused Chris’s reserved style and personal sense of propriety with a lack of fierceness on behalf of his client. That would be a mistake.”

He said it was Mr. Christopher’s decision to challenge the Florida result, even as most Republicans and some prominent Democrats were urging Mr. Gore to concede. “People don’t remember how controversial that effort was. Without Chris’s stature and credibility, I’m not sure we would have gotten as far as we did,” Mr. Klain said.

Mr. Bush’s ascension to the White House was decreed by five Supreme Court justices, Mr. Klain insisted, not by any flaw in Mr. Gore’s legal strategy or Mr. Christopher’s leadership. “In all the years since then,” he said, “no one has come up with any workable strategic advice on how we could have gotten one of those justices to switch.”

Though widely admired for his even-handedness and equanimity — he was once described as every husband’s ideal for a wife’s divorce lawyer — Mr. Christopher was accused by detractors of lacking passionate, big-picture diplomatic vision. Even friends and associates, to whom he was known as Chris or sometimes as “the Cardinal,” said they could not discern a guiding geopolitical philosophy, regarding him as more a consummate tactician than a conceptualizer.

At the time he was named secretary of state, The New York Times reported a one-time State Department official who worked with him as saying, “If we were in a meeting on a crisis, no one would turn to Chris and say, ‘You put together the strategy memo.’ But everyone would want him to read it because he’d be very good at implementing it.”

Mr. Christopher appeared not to disagree. “My task had been to serve as steward, not proprietor, of an extraordinary public trust,” he wrote in “Chances of a Lifetime: A Memoir,” published in 2001. But he bristled at criticism that Mr. Clinton’s penchant for consultation and his own eagerness to listen had made for seminars, not decisions. “The president’s desire to consult and my Norwegian taciturnity didn’t prevent us from making the right judgments,” he said of one occasion.

Warren Minor Christopher was born Oct. 27, 1925, in the farming hamlet of Scranton, N.D., one of five children. His father, a local banker, suffered a stroke that the family believed was the result of overwork from his unsuccessful efforts keep the bank solvent during the Depression. The elder Christopher died four years later at 53 after the family moved to California.

The unabashed New Deal liberalism that young Warren embraced during this formative period remained with him throughout his career even though he made his financial fortune representing I.B.M., the Lockheed Martin Corporation and other major companies for O’Melveny & Myers, the most traditional and prestigious of Los Angeles law firms and which he eventually led.

Always impeccably dressed and unfailingly polite, Mr. Christopher told an interviewer while secretary of state that “I always thought that I would do things in a conservative way to maximize the progressiveness of my policy positions.”

While attending Hollywood High School he delivered newspapers several hours each day and, he told friends, he felt discriminated against because of his family’s difficult financial circumstances. His entered the University of Redlands at 16 but World War II intervened and he wound up in a Navy officer program at the University of Southern California, soon to serve as an ensign in the Navy Reserve on an oil tanker in the Pacific.

Mr. Christopher, who as a diplomat came to embody a reluctance to use force, supported Truman’s use of atomic bombs on Japan but later expressed doubt as to whether all alternatives had been fully explored.

After earning degrees at U.S.C. and Stanford’s law school, Mr. Christopher won a clerkship with William O. Douglas, during which he helped draft book chapters for the libertarian Supreme Court justice.

He joined O’Melveny & Myers in 1950, soon became an adviser and speech writer for California’s newly elected governor, Edmund G. Brown, and was credited with coining the term “responsible liberalism.”

Mr. Christopher, made a partner at just 33 in 1958, was named by Governor Brown to the commission investigating the 1965 Watts riots. This brought him to the attention of President Lyndon Johnson, who in 1967 brought him back to Washington, until January 1969, as deputy to Attorney General Ramsey Clark.

Here, as he focused on racial unrest in Detroit and Washington, he formed a relationship with Cyrus R. Vance, who, on being installed as secretary of state seven years later, recommended that President Jimmy Carter ask Mr. Christopher again to take leave from O’Melveny & Myers and become No. 2 at state.

As deputy, his first major task was to shepherd through the Senate the Panama Canal treaties that, in exchange for returning sovereignty to the Central American territory, gave the United States the right, if necessary, to reopen the canal militarily.

But it was his agonizing and prolonged negotiations for the release of 52 hostages held in the American Embassy in Tehran for more than a year after the 1979 revolution for which Mr. Christopher’s tenure is most vividly remembered.

Late in 1980 Mr. Christopher shuttled between Algeria, which had become a mediator, and Washington and finally brokered a deal under which the hostages would be released in return for an unfreezing of Iranian assets and a lifting of sanctions.

Even after the agreement was signed on the last full day of the Carter presidency, Iran disavowed a vital element in it, and Mr. Christopher wrote in a 2006 article about lessons learned in dealing with what he called the souk-like “bazaar behavior” of Iranian negotiators.

“To bring them back in line, I directed the pilot of my plane, on a telephone line that I knew was tapped, to warm up the engines. The Iranians quickly dropped their claim and a day later the hostages were released,” he wrote.

Mr. Christopher, usually reserved and unemotional, wept at the ultimate success.

During the captivity, an American military rescue operation failed, and when Mr. Vance resigned, Mr. Carter passed over Mr. Christopher, the logical successor, in favor of Senator Edmund S. Muskie.

But Mr. Christopher loyally remained, and a few months after the hostages were released pointed to what he said was the value of patient negotiation.

“I am thankful to have served a nation so quietly strong that it could preserve its honor, not by retaliation or vengeance, but by preserving the lives of the hostages,” he said.

After giving way to Madeleine Albright after one term as secretary of state, Mr. Christopher again returned to O’Melveny & Myers and civic and political life in California. He served as president of Stanford’s board of trustees and was a longtime director of the Southern California Edison Company.

He occasionally spoke out on international issues, urging in an Op-Ed in The Times in late 2002 that President George Bush rethink “his fixation on attacking Iraq” and turn his attention to what he considered graver threats, such as North Korea.

“Even if the optimistic predictions of quick victory prove to be accurate,” he wrote more than two months before the invasion, “we would then find ourselves absorbed with the occupation of Iraq and efforts to impose democracy on the fractious elements of that country.”

Mr. Christopher is survived by his wife of 54 years, the former Marie Wyllis, a teacher, and by their three children and five grandchildren. He had a fourth child from an earlier marriage.

Martin Jacques: Understanding the rise of China

Speaking at a TED Salon in London, economist Martin Jacques asks: How do we in the West make sense of China and its phenomenal rise? The author of "When China Rules the World," he examines why the West often puzzles over the growing power of the Chinese economy, and offers three building blocks for understanding what China is and will become.

TEDTalks is a daily video podcast of the best talks and performances from the TED Conference, where the world's leading thinkers and doers give the talk of their lives in 18 minutes. Featured speakers have included Al Gore on climate change, Philippe Starck on design, Jill Bolte Taylor on observing her own stroke, Nicholas Negroponte on One Laptop per Child, Jane Goodall on chimpanzees, Bill Gates on malaria and mosquitoes, Pattie Maes on the "Sixth Sense" wearable tech, and "Lost" producer JJ Abrams on the allure of mystery. TED stands for Technology, Entertainment, Design, and TEDTalks cover these topics as well as science, business, development and the arts. Closed captions and translated subtitles in a variety of languages are now available on TED.com, at http://www.ted.com/translate.



"good theory, arresting presentation fused with reason and passion" was my comment on Renren.

王立军证实文强临刑前日曾与其谈话50分钟

2011-03-12 02:28:00　来源: 京华时报(北京)　

核心提示：坊间盛传，在文强被执行死刑前一天，王立军亲自到看守所探望，王立军回应称传闻属实，临刑前日曾与文强谈话50分钟。他还表示，被称为打黑英雄是社会的悲哀。

重庆代表团内，作为今年新增补的人大代表，重庆市公安局长王立军最初几天并没引起太多关注。

3月6日，大会进行政府工作报告审议，王立军受命发言时，驻会记者们才猛然发现了这个涉及众多热点新闻却很少接受媒体采访的重庆市公安局长。

昨天，王立军接受本报专访，讲述他眼中的重庆打黑，讲述重庆警务创新，也讲述食品安全背后他的震撼与愤怒。

谈食品药品安全

“现在三代人守一个单亲链条。食品、药品安全问题，我们这一代不考虑，下一代怎么办？”

本次两会，首次以人大代表身份亮相的王立军，领衔提交的“关于制定‘食品、药品安全犯罪法’，以严刑峻法惩治食品、药品领域严重犯罪的议案”受到多方呼应。最终，十二个省、市、自治区439名人大代表联名提出了该议案。

据悉，这是1983年以来有据可查的联名代表人数最多的一份议案。

>>对话

京华时报：你是一名公安局长，为什么会特别关注食品、药品安全问题？

王立军：去年2月时，我还不知道我今天能作为一名人大代表坐在这里。我的一个科研课题专门研究人体结构，DNA等等。我跟一些专家学者，走了药厂、工厂、小作坊、加工厂、塑料大棚、养殖场，发现食品、药品安全的问题触目惊心。

京华时报：怎么触目惊心？

王立军：一些工厂得戴着防毒面具才能进，在一些地方，苍蝇都不往肉上落。我们架了五六台摄像机在油菜花地里，观察发现有农药的（地方），蜜蜂都不去采蜜。特别是去年我到一些小幼儿园、福利院考察，见到很多残障儿童。非常震撼。

京华时报：他们的残障跟有毒食品有关？

王立军：至少80%以上与有毒食品有关。我见过的现场太多了，自然灾害的，成千人的死我们去抢救，凶杀现场死五个、八个的也见过，但是见到这些孩子，他们那种惨烈地活着的场面让我震撼。当时是为了研究，但过程中我觉得这个问题涉及到的健康和民生更重要。所以提了这个议案。

京华时报：听说这个议案最终有400多代表签名？

王立军：实际上有500多个代表，有一部分没录进去。仅仅四天时间，还仅仅是12个省，（我）没有全部推开去（介绍议案）。这说明什么？说明问题的严重和大家的深恶痛绝！现在三代人守一个单亲链条。食品、药品安全问题，我们这一代不考虑，下一代怎么办？

谈重庆打黑

“一个社会如果产生英雄，实际上是这个社会有病，这是社会的悲哀。”

坊间盛传，在文强被执行死刑前一天，王立军亲自到看守所探望，两人的谈话长达50分钟。正是这次会面，让文强从心事重重到恢复平静。有没有这次会面？王立军对文强说了些什么？

>>对话

京华时报：你怎么看老百姓叫你打黑英雄这事？

王立军：一个社会如果产生英雄，实际上是这个社会有病，这是社会的悲哀。

我为什么不接受采访，（因为）一旦成为焦点，对我来说是一种压力。形成压力，没有意义。一个人在社会当中想要很好地服务，首先应该学会沉潜。沉潜代 表了一种专注，像抢注商标似的抢注热点有什么意义？能专注才能冷静思考、理性思考。我们的承载力和可融性很小，能力也很弱。这种情况下如果还把精力放到别 的上面去，没有意义。因为你所做的事情，人们为了肯定你，支持你，把它冠以很多的英雄主义色彩，自己千万要冷静。

京华时报：你跟文强最后谈了50分钟的说法是属实的吗？

王立军：其实不要只关注这50分钟，再往前想半步，在那么漫长的时间里，我和文强的谈话仅仅是这50分钟吗？我和文强的谈话仅仅就这一次吗？不会。但是这50分钟恐怕是他生命进入倒计时至关重要的50分钟，让他多了一份平静和从容。（谈话）这里面有人性化的元素。

京华时报：你和他聊了些什么？

王立军：他之前很焦虑，第二天释然了。这就说明啊，我是犯罪学研究所所长对了。这就说明我是心理学教授就对了，（说明）我是社会心理研究室主任也对了，（说明我是）现场心理研究中心主任也对了。

京华时报：为什么？

王立军：只有这种职业，能让一个人很释然地对待一些事情，让一个人能平静下来，或者事态能够平和下来。仅仅有责任感还不够，需要有一种职业感。必须强调职业感。

京华时报：怎么对待文强的特殊性呢？

王立军：文强，他有他的社会资历和社会阅历，他的能力、他的智商，甚至说他有他超常的一部分。作为一个职业者，理解社会的时候不可能用一个公式解决所有问题。从学术的角度讲，应该用诸多的公式来应对一个问题、一个人，就好办了。

京华时报：有人猜测他的平静源于死刑方式和家人安顿？如果涉秘，您可以不回答。

王立军：你所理解的警察，实际上只有三分之一。还有三分之一，永远不能说。还有三分之一，没有办法说，因为你没做成。他家里面是没问题的，他对家人 的一种期待，对组织上提出的一些合情合理的要求，不仅仅是文强，任何人，我们国家都应该维护他的权益。一个人犯罪不等于家人都犯罪。

京华时报：打黑过程中有哪些犯难的时候？

王立军：外界可能会觉得惊天动地、出生入死。这其实是警察被人不理解和理解的结合点。不理解的是做了这么多高难的动作，有生命之危险，错综复杂，高难高压。但是理解的就是说：哦，只有这样才是警察，这才是一个合格的警察。

它只是一种工作。就好像一个杂技演员一样，他们给人们造成悬念的动作实际上对他自己是很平淡的一件事。

京华时报：那请你告诉我一个真实的警察重要的是什么？

王立军：警察这个职业是一个抛物线。就像发射神七，飞多高不重要，飞多久不重要，能回来很重要，要找到那个最佳的结合点很重要。警察的志向、目标？重要。更重要的是你应该知道老百姓的需求，他们在想什么，应该关注那些弱势群体。这是落点。

京华时报：作为新一任的重庆公安局长，文强案给你什么样的思考？

王立军：内除积弊，外消积怨。内部的积弊不除，外面的社会积怨就不会消失。

谈警务创新

“这不是改革，只是勤务方式的一种转化。有的人为了让自己提升，做了一件事，马上说自己是改革。不要那样。”

本次两会中，重庆市委书记薄熙来在回答治理官员的问题时出语严厉：“对于官员，严是爱，宽是害。”

事实上，与打黑同步，重庆也展开了一场警务创新。其中，去年2月起,该市展开交巡警合一改革，在全市部署交巡警警力近万，对社会治安进行24小时不间断管控。

>>对话

京华时报：把原来坐机关的干部赶到街头去当交巡警，是否有压力？

王立军：首先说，这不是改革，只是勤务方式的一种转化。有的人为了让自己提升，做了一件事，马上说自己是改革。否定了别人，（就）说是改革，不要那 样。很简单，就是要适应社会需求。社会需求改变了，还干吗老是用建国初期的方式？如果说这种转变让人们失去了职务、失去了收入，增加了风险，它本身就是一 种失败！恰恰我们这种勤务、机制、体制的转型，让人们职务没失去，收入没减少，形象还提升，百姓还称赞，这不很好吗？

京华时报：有没有人不理解，觉得你太强硬？

王立军：在历史的进程当中总会有人去破题。不然社会就不是发展的。这是一个概念。第二个就是，这种阵痛是让个人失去了还是得到了？待遇降低了吗？收入减少了吗？社会没受益吗？百姓不称赞吗？不是。

京华时报：衡量这种创新的标准是什么？

王立军：有些人事情还没干，先把理想说出来了。有的人刚起步就把结果说出来了。有的人事情还没干完，经验就研究出来了，多可怕。我们基本上不说。实践是检验真理的唯一标准。老百姓说好的时候它肯定是好的。

谈学术、家人

“防弹衣？可能吗？重庆社会治安那样吗？那我还在重庆干吗？”

公安局长之外，王立军的另一重身份是西南政法的博导，研究领域为无创伤解剖、刑事现场鉴定等。

本次两会，他的这一学者特质充分体现。“DNA、RNA、线粒体……”不时从王立军嘴里蹦出来。小组讨论时，他还同一位医学界代表现场讨论起了这些专业问题。

>>对话

京华时报：你怎么平衡公安局长和学者这两个身份？

王立军：我把学术看得很重，因为它能提升我的职业，帮助我理解社会、研究社会。和大家一起共事的时候，文化的承载力和科技的力量才能让人感觉到公信 力。作为一个公安局的负责人，我就是一个班长。什么是领导？下完命令之后他一页一页翻资料，这是领。什么是导？自己先一寸一寸地走，防止有闪失。领导这两 个字就是这个意思。

京华时报：时间安排得开吗？

王立军：我好像整个的时间，没有什么业余不业余的。

我已经把我的学术完全融入到职业里了。两者是互补的。不像有人想的，我就单纯去搞研究。

京华时报：除了之前谈到的这些身份，你还是一个父亲。

王立军：我肯定不是一个好爸爸，（我需要）更多的时间去履行社会责任，把家人舍弃了。

京华时报：多年打黑，有传闻说你平时穿防弹衣，更有一些人很担心你家人的安危。

王立军：防弹衣？可能吗？重庆社会治安那样吗？那我还在重庆干吗？不会。这都是人们在猜测。公安局长都是那样吗？至于（我的）家人，应该说（他们）是安全的。

子怡同学近照

2011-03-07 16:50 来源：《时尚·COSMOPOLITAN》 编辑：时尚网/王小白 http://www.trends.com.cn/people/people/2011-03/315097.shtml

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猪窝

猪月薪5千，打算用20万建一个窝，狼不允许，说私自建就是违章建筑，只允许向王八买。王八是搞房地产的，先用20万贿赂狼取得开发权，再用50万元向狼买这块地，投资10万元把猪窝盖好，向猪要价200万元。狐狸借200万元给猪，连本带利300万，20年还清，猪全家二十年给狐狸打工。狼、狐狸、王八都挣了钱，只有猪亏，连崽子也不敢生了。猪越来越少，狼觉得这样下去大家没肉吃，于是调控。

狼显得非常重视猪窝价格太贵的问题，研究部署了遏 制猪窝价格过快上涨的政策措施。最后认定王八把猪窝价格卖得太高，是因为有的猪买了猪窝后自己不住而进行倒卖所致。于是狼规定：猪买了猪窝5年内卖了的， 要向狼交纳营业税。结果猪窝价格没降下来，狼却发了大财。狼又对狐狸说：只借钱给首先交了更多钱的猪，并提高高利贷的利息，多买猪窝的不借，交全现钱。这样狐狸在猪的购窝过程中也发了财。王八借着猪窝价格上涨的行情，以更高的价格向狼买地，并转转嫁到猪窝价格上，再加价后卖给猪。看到狼辛苦地为自己操劳， 猪很感谢狼，但还是发现猪窝价格越来越贵。狼说：这事挺复杂，还真不太好办，不过猪罗们放心，我们将继续调控，可以向已经有猪窝的猪征收猪窝税。

薄熙来：高唱红歌的政治摇滚明星

薄熙来：高唱红歌的政治摇滚明星
2011年 03月 08日 14:11
一般来说，中国领导人和摇滚明星是风马牛不相及。但在上周末一年一度的全国人大沉闷的会议期间，有一个人堪比摇滚明星──热情直率的重庆市委书记薄熙来。


Feng Li/Getty Images
2011年3月6日在北京人民大会堂，重庆市委书记薄熙来出席全国人大的一次会议。
他的大多数同僚都严格遵守干巴巴的毫无新意的稿子，薄熙来则不同。在上周日的新闻发布会上，他再次一展民粹主义的修辞技巧，让记者们饱了三个多小时的“耳福”。薄熙来被认为有望在明年晋升为中共中央政治局常委。

谈到他在重庆这一中国最大、发展最快的城市里推广“革命”价值所做的努力时，他显得格外热情洋溢。他采取的措施包括在当地卫星电视频道播出革命节目，以及发送大量取自毛泽东语录的短消息。

这位前商务部部长对雷锋精神大加赞扬。雷锋是一名军人，20世纪60年代因助人为乐事迹被树立为社会主义无私精神的楷模，22岁在指挥一辆部队卡车倒车时，被卡车撞倒的电线杆砸死，据说之后他的好事日记才被发现。薄熙来在新闻发布会期间一直将同事称作“同志”，他说，毛主席抓雷锋这个典型抓的真准。

他说，榜样的力量是无穷的，一个城市，一个国家需要这些精神楷模，并一代一代传下去；这就是为什么重庆现在要学习雷锋。

说到兴起时，他还对年轻一代沉迷网络及其他娱乐感到惋惜，他表示，如果年轻人像文化大革命期间数百万青少年一样到工厂或农村去学习一段时间，很多人会受益。

他说，一个国家，未来是年轻人的，但年轻人脑子里到底有多少东西？真是很难说。谈到什么使人“幸福”的问题（今年中国政府的核心主题）他激动不已，他说人们需要的是社区意识和对未来以及物质财富的信心。

他说：你们这些小孩子都不知道，像我们这些过来人，上了岁数的人，在上世纪50年代，那时候会有感觉。尽管当时中国还很穷，经济上很落后，但当年相当多的中国人是有幸福感的。

61岁的薄熙来在去年人大会议期间也有类似的表现，去年6月的一次讲话中也是如此，政治分析人士认为这些讲话是不同寻常的公开拉票，以寻求在明年政治局换届选举后在党内和政府内获得更强地位。

外界认为薄熙来很有可能进入政治局常委，因为他在远未到退休年龄的时候就已经属于25人政治局的一员。但不知道他将分管哪些职务，也不清楚是否会担任更重要的政府职位之一，比如国务院副总理。

据传他在去年失宠于中央领导层，但在习近平去年12月访问重庆之后其光芒再度回升。习近平目前任国家副主席，有望接替胡锦涛担任最高职务。


Associated Press
2011年3月3日早上在中国西南部城市重庆的沙坪公园，退休的老人们在“唱红歌”。“唱红歌”活动是薄熙来发起的。
薄熙来提倡“唱红歌”，似乎确实引起了很多年龄稍大的人的共鸣。在他们记忆里，1949年共产党掌权后的最初几十年是一段相对平等的时期。越来越大的贫富差距让他们感到担忧。

但他的政策让其他很多人不满。他们对1958年到1960年“大跃进”有着痛楚的记忆，在那段时期，人为的饥荒饿死上千万的中国人。他们也记得“文化大革命”时期的极左混乱。

薄熙来可能没有遭受那场饥荒的最严重景象，因为他的父亲薄一波是一位革命领导人，在北京担任政府高级职务。但文革期间他没有幸免，因为父亲遭到了迫害（后来复职）、家里多数人都被投入监狱。

周日新闻发布会上，薄熙来没有谈及自己的“太子党”背景，但他回答了一位台湾记者有关其子薄瓜瓜谈恋爱的问题，这对于一位中国领导人来说是不常见的。上个月网上出现的照片显示，在英国一家私立中学读书后进入牛津、哈佛的薄瓜瓜，和另一位已故革命领导人陈云的孙女在一起。

薄熙来听到这个问题笑了，其回答让人有些摸不着头脑：“那是第三代的事情，我觉得我们现在不是讲民主嘛？”

两个半小时之后，他让代表团其他成员去吃晚饭，自己却主动和重庆市长一起再留半个小时，回答了记者们的其他几个提问。

在代表们起身离去之时，记者们突破封锁线，好几名记者在争相接近薄熙来的过程中摔倒。和同级别的其他人不一样的是，薄熙来没有被安保人员包围。

但《华尔街日报》问起他即将进入政治局常委（中国最高决策机构）的意义时，他却显示出原则。

记者提出他是入选常委的领跑人选时，薄熙来用英语回答说：“Just guesswork（纯属猜测）！” 然后他礼貌地用中文回答：我不同意你这个问题的预设，我想还是谈谈重庆更好。

在中国政坛，就算摇滚明星也有他们的禁忌。

Jeremy Page

（更新完成）

Moliere on writing

“Writing is like prostitution. First you do it for love, and then for a few close friends, and then for money.”

-- Moliere (French Actor, Playwright and Writer, the greatest of all writers of French comedy, 1622-1673)

朱清时：为大学护道

朱清时：为大学护道

2010-12-22 16:52:27



以制造机器人闻名世界的科学家李泽湘最初连门都挤不进去，只能乐呵呵地倚靠着门框；著名数学大师、菲尔兹奖获得者齐尔曼诺夫坐在会客厅里，等待拜访演讲者；中国科学院院士张景中、英国剑桥大学高级研究员陈应天教授等人，起初只是坐在观众席上，认认真真地听讲话。

在12月18日举办的一场大学招生咨询会上，这些大人物都是配角。主角是身穿黑色风衣的朱清时，也是这所还没有获得教育部正式批复的大学的校长。下午两 点，这位校长在启动校区里正式宣布，筹办中的南方科技大学将正式以“自主招生”、“自授学位和文凭”的方式进行教改，成为中国第一所从教育部手中收回办学 自主权的高校。

在这里，校长都是配角，教授才是主角

事实上，早在3年前，深圳市政府就将建设南方科技大学（以下简称“南科大”）写进了政府工作报告。这个人均GDP全国第一的城市的目标是建立亚洲一流的研究型大学，参照模板是建校不到20年便跻身世界一流名校行列的香港科技大学。

第二年，一份包括美国麻省理工学院一位院长在内的200多名候选人名单，摆在了校长遴选委员会主任、时任深圳市委组织部部长王穗明面前。这其中就包括中国科技大学前任校长朱清时。这位校长曾经以高调的姿态直面舆论，包括拒绝大学扩招、反对教育部本科行政评估等等。

“想在内地办一所这样的大学，必须找朱清时。”香港科技大学的原校长吴家玮与英国诺丁汉大学校长杨福家，作为遴选委员会的学术委员向王穗明推荐道。

猎头公司先找到朱，被婉拒。此后，南方科大筹备办主任梁北汉、深圳市委组织部部长王穗明上门，也遭到婉拒。这位退休的大学校长表示，已经替自己安排了写写书法、研究古陶瓷的闲适生活。

直至70岁的中科院院士陈国良与73岁的电子科技大学老校长刘盛纲来访。他们说：“我们追求教改这么多年，都没有好的条件去实现，深圳的条件这么好，这会是你一生中最重要的事业。”

或许是这番话打动了朱清时。2009年教师节，这位63岁的老人从时任深圳市代市长王荣手中接过了聘书。

这位刚刚走马上任的校长同时申明了自己的建校原则，其中包括“去行政化”与“教授治校”。在他看来，只要有一所大学通过打破行政绑架的形式教改成功，就会 跟上一批同样希望建立现代大学制度的大学，整个教育体系就能回归。他把这种改革称为教育界的“蛇口”，“30年前，经济要恢复活力，需要打破铁饭碗，30 年后，教育要恢复活力，同样应该打破铁饭碗！”

对此，他先拿自己开刀：这个自1998年就享受副部级待遇的官员，严肃地提醒市领导，自己从到深圳那天起就只是个打工的；去市教育局开会的时候，他会被安 排在深圳职业技术学院院长的下手，以示他没有行政级别；为了将行政力量的干预降到最小，他制订了一份《南方科技大学条例》，其中，学校的最高决策需由理事 会决定，而理事会中，一线教授代表不少于1/4，国内外的教育专家不少于1/4。

一位行政人员告诉记者，朱清时对每位行政岗位的应聘者都要亲自面试，主题大多围绕如何理解“去行政化”展开。“做这件事的人，必须志同道合，必须有理想主义。”朱清时说。

每次面试结束，朱清时还会提醒对方做好心理准备，“在这里，我和你们都是配角，教授们才是舞台上的主角”。据说，在校园里，他决不允许出现局长、处长的称谓，行政人员一律互称老师。

为了让主角尽快出场，这个喜欢穿布鞋的老人常常要到世界各地“三顾茅庐”。

物理学家、剑桥大学终身荣誉教授陈应天还记得，师弟朱清时打来电话时说的第一句话是：“严济慈老先生60多岁的时候还在教我们，现在我们60多岁了，也该 为下一代做一些什么了！”几个月前，朱清时亲自飞到陈应天太阳能企业的基地锦州，将南科大发出的第一份聘书交到其手中。

更多的人是主动前来的。在2009年10月底赴南非参加第三世界科学院院士大会时，朱清时随身携带的400份南科大宣传单被在场的华人学者一抢而空。

甫一上任，朱清时便接到了李泽湘的电话。作为改革开放后第一批赴美留学生之一，早在1986年，李泽湘就和很多同学自发编写了一份关于高校改革的建议书寄至教育部。多年后，他告诉朱清时，为了“一代人的高教改革梦”，他愿意回国做义工。

迄今为止，已决定加盟的名师还包括原香港科技大学化学系主任李晓原、香港科技大学数学系主任励建书、中国科学院院士张景中等。除此以外，南方科技大学还将在5年内面向全球招聘30位特聘教授及其团队。

这种理念还感动了不少志同道合者，原本是深圳一家互联网公司技术总监的朱朝阳就是其中一个。如今，他成为南科大负责网站维护的工作人员，由于人手不足，他 还承担起安装办公室电话的工作。面试的时候，朱清时问他，为什么要辞职降薪来南科大？他乐呵呵地说，参与了这件事，以后就可以讲故事给孩子听了。

他从没做过这么难的实验，每天靠吃几种不同的安眠药才能入睡

然而，变革的开始并非一帆风顺。

南科大刚刚筹建之时，深圳市政府本想通过抽调骨干的方式为南科大输血，朱清时却发现，凡是职位在副处级以上的工作人员，往往不愿意抽调到南科大。有一次在北京开会，一个老校长揶揄他：“你呀，挖了个去行政化的坑就跳进去了，结果没人愿意陪你跳啊！”

另一个难题是建校和招生。朱清时一度乐观地认为，南科大的建立会像深圳大学一样顺利。1983年1月，邓小平视察深圳，时任深圳市委书记、市长梁湘指着一片空地对他说，“我们将在这里建深圳大学校园，今年秋天就可以上课。”邓小平回京后跟人说，这就是深圳速度。

但现在，用朱清时的话来说，自上任那天开始，他就被扔进了冰窟窿，每天要靠吃几种不同的安眠药才能入睡。他表示自己从未做过这么难的“实验”。

2009年9月10日，他赴深圳上任，9月15日，中央相关部门工作人员便来到新校区施工现场，明确表示“南科大未批先建”。

另一个质疑直接针对南科大的校名，有人提出，教育部规定新建高校不允许使用“中国”“南方”等大词，南科大应改名为深圳科技大学。

朱清时采用的对策是借助媒体，那段时间，他开始大量接受采访，向公众传达自己的改革理念。有观察人士指出，借助民意是朱校长的一步好棋。

除此之外，在去年年底参加澳门大学新校区奠基仪式的时候，朱清时与刚刚上任的教育部长袁贵仁进行了一次“鼓舞人心的谈话”。

20天后，在国务院总理温家宝主持召开的征求《国家中长期教育改革和发展规划纲要（2010-2020年）》意见和建议的座谈会上，温家宝问朱清时，“你最近是不是去深圳搞了个南方科技大学？”合影留念时，温家宝又把朱清时拉到身边，详细询问了南科大的教改情况。

此后，教育部内部关于校名的争议便平息了：“总理都叫南方科技大学了，肯定也不能再叫别的名字了”。2010年5月，全国人大常委、原教育部副部长吴启迪也率教育部专家考评组到深圳，对南科大的筹建工作表示肯定。

不过，一份发布于1986年的《普通高等学校设置暂行条例》卡住了教育部对南科大筹建工作的批复。根据该条例第17条规定，“设置普通高等院校的审批程 序，一般分为审批筹建和审批正式建校招生两个阶段”。其中，仅仅要满足获批筹建的条件，就需要在校生计划规模不少于5000人，图书不少于60000册， 这对于首批招生计划50人的南科大而言，无异于天方夜谭。

在朱清时的再三争取下，今年9月27日，教育部的高校设置委员会曾专门开会研究南科大的问题，一位知情人士透露，会上的专家全票通过为南科大发个“准生证”。

但问题接踵而至，根据条例，即使获准筹建，也仍要等到正式建校时才可得到招生资格。“我当了十年校长，都不知道有这么多行政规定。”朱清时感叹。

他不得不再次进京跟教育部协调，教育部给出的让步是，同意南科大与中国科技大学联合招生，但招来的学生必须是中国科技大学学籍。

这让朱清时无法接受，“改革的结果就是建一个分校，这还叫改革吗”？

另一个障碍是，根据现行制度，南科大要从专科开始办学，升到本科，再申请硕士点、博士点——要办成研究型大学，至少要30年。事实上，曾经被寄予厚望的深 圳大学，便长期受困于此条例，虽然建校很快，但获得第一个博士授予资格时，已是2006年。而对朱清时来说，一个一流的研究型大学，如果没有研究生将是灾 难性打击。

这种现状让朱清时决定跳出现行体制，从教育部手中要回招生和授学位的自主权，采用“寒假考试、春季开学”这种强行闯关的方法。

他说，在这片土地上，没有一件事是等着批复干的。“改革需要承担者，深圳精神就是敢闯，从今天起，我们要打破教育的铁饭碗了，自主招生，自授学位！”10月份，他在一次内部会议上讲道。

能做一个真正的大学校长，真好真好

12月15日晚上8点，朱清时推翻了秘书写的草稿，亲自执笔写就了1700字的《致报考南方科大考生、家长的一封信》。那天晚上，他吃了好几种安眠药，但还是一夜未睡。

在信中，他明确提出：大学失去了办学自主权，造成高校“千校一面”。他也表达了收回“自主招生”、“自授学位”的改革决心。

这个已经头发斑白的老人向中国青年报记者坦承，他不是没有顾虑：他担心拿不到教育部认可的学位，会影响学生未来报考研究生；他担心没有教育部的学籍，会影响学生的医保办理；他更担心的是，南科大的教育改革，得不到社会的认可，在招生咨询的时候就半路夭折。

让他欣慰的是，12月18日下午的招生咨询会上，家长与学生的热情远远超过他的想象。

一对从湖南娄底坐了十几个小时硬座赶到深圳的双胞胎姐妹说，有人告诉她们，有一所叫南方科大的学校会在明年招生，你们一定要去考，考不上就复读。

一个从云南楚雄赶来的大学老师，带着自己11岁的小女儿早早来到会场。他说在他任教的大学，只靠论文数量评职称，他希望女儿未来能够上一所懂得“纯粹和纯净”的大学。

一位70岁的老人陪着自己16岁的孙女来到咨询会，这个叫崔廉的女孩儿已经拥有了14项个人专利发明，但做的练习题还远远不到老师要求的一科8000道，她说，她想去一个不会强迫她做事的学校。

“我们希望中国能有一所尊重教育规律的大学。”李泽湘告诉记者，在国外，任何一所名校都是自授学位，真正的异类恰恰不是南科大。

如今，从南方科技大学启动校区行政楼向外望去，能看到一片大工地。这里正在修建这所大学的新校区。早在朱清时到岗之前，深圳市政府就聘请了国际著名建筑设计公司，为新校区设计了“极尽奢华”、“非常后现代主义”的教学楼。

这个即将动工的工程被朱清时紧急叫停。他提出了建设不装电梯的小楼概念，他将其称为书院，理由是“楼越高，学生与老师之间的距离越远”。朱清时希望在南科大的校园里，也能形成一种对知识最朴素的敬畏。

为此，朱清时还计划，学校的生师比例控制在8∶1，第一年招生50人，第二年招150人，之后将学生数逐步稳定在每年2000名本科生的水平。

对于深圳这个城市，南科大就像一个新生儿，连出租车师傅都尚未熟知。某种意义上，64岁的朱时清之于这座城市，境况也相似。

在合肥时，担任中科大校长的他每到机场，都能享受省部级领导的免费一等贵宾室。但第一次到深圳时，这位已经无官无职的老人突然发现，一等的贵宾室不允许进入，二等的贵宾室还要收取费用800元。

朱时清笑着说，那时他突然意识到，自己只是个大学校长，而不是副部级官员，能做一个真正的大学校长，“真好真好”。

（《中国青年报》2010年12月22日　作者：林衍）

Veni, vidi, vici

I came, I saw, I conquer.

Julius Caesar.

Northwestern professor apologizes for live sex demonstration

latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-sex-demo-20110306,0,2101807.story

latimes.com

Northwestern professor apologizes for live sex demonstration

J. Michael Bailey says he regrets upsetting so many people but defends the demonstration as relevant to his human sexuality course.

By Jodi S. Cohen and Liam Ford, Chicago Tribune

March 6, 2011

Reporting from Chicago

A Northwestern University professor who allowed a live sex demonstration on campus last month issued a tepid, slightly defensive apology Saturday, saying that while he wouldn't make the same decision again, he would give those who disapprove of what he did an F for their arguments.

"Those who believe that there was, in fact, a serious problem have had considerable opportunity to explain why in the numerous media stories on the controversy, or in their various correspondences with me," J. Michael Bailey, a psychology professor, wrote in a statement.

"But they have failed to do so. Saying that the demonstration 'crossed the line,' 'went too far,' 'was inappropriate,' or 'was troubling' convey disapproval but do not illuminate reasoning," he wrote.

Bailey has been under fire since news of the Feb. 21 demonstration became public.

More than 100 students from Bailey's human sexuality class watched the optional, after-class demonstration, during which a woman got undressed, lay down on a towel and allowed her fiance to penetrate her with a device that looks like a machine-powered saw, but with a phallic object attached instead of a blade. The demonstration followed a discussion about kinky sex and female orgasm.

In his statement, Bailey said he regretted "the effect that this has had on Northwestern University's reputation."

"I regret upsetting so many people in this particular manner," he added. "I apologize."

"In the 18 years I have taught the course, nothing like the demonstration at issue has occurred, and I will allow nothing like it to happen again," he said.

But a large portion of the statement defended the demonstration, saying it was relevant to a topic in his course.

Bailey also noted that the observers were students older than 18 who were "legally capable of voting, enlisting in the military, and consuming pornography."

Bailey said he was working with students to organize a discussion of the demonstration and the issues it raised, and he invited Northwestern President Morton Schapiro to work with them to make sure the event "is as intellectually valuable as it should be."

Contacted about Bailey's new statement, university spokesman Alan Cubbage, in an e-mail, referred to the statement Schapiro had made earlier in the week, in which Schapiro called for an investigation into the incident and said he was "troubled and disappointed by what occurred."

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-488398/Uma-Thurman-startles-crowds-astonishing-dress.html

Uma Thurman startles crowds with her astonishing see-through dress

Last updated at 13:59 19 October 2007

Uma Thurman startled onlookers at the Swarovski Fashion Rocks event with an outfit which left little to the imagination.

The actress arrived on the red carpet in a couture Valentino gown which was virtually see-through.

Thurman's daring dress is a look not often associated with her.

The 37-year-old mother-of-two, who was co-hosting the star-studded charity event, rarely makes a fashion faux pas on the red carpet.

Scroll down for more pictures...

Uma Thurman's outfit leaves little to the imagination as she arrives for the Swarovski Fashion Rocks event

The Decline of U.S. Naval Power

The Decline of U.S. Naval Power

WSJ, March 2, 2011

Sixty ships were commonly underway in America's seaward approaches in 1998, but today there are only 20. We are abdicating our role on the oceans.

By MARK HELPRIN

Last week, pirates attacked and executed four Americans in the Indian Ocean. We and the Europeans have endured literally thousands of attacks by the Somali pirates without taking the initiative against their vulnerable boats and bases even once. Such paralysis is but a symptom of a sickness that started some time ago.

The 1968 film, "2001: A Space Odyssey," suggested that in another 30 years commercial flights to the moon, extraterrestrial mining, and interplanetary voyages would be routine. Soon the United States would send multiple missions to the lunar surface, across which astronauts would speed in vehicles. If someone born before Kitty Hawk's first flight would shortly after retirement see men riding around the moon in an automobile, it was reasonable to assume that half again as much time would bring progress at a similarly dazzling rate.

It didn't work out that way. In his 1962 speech at Rice University, perhaps the high-water mark of both the American Century and recorded presidential eloquence, President Kennedy framed the challenge not only of going to the moon but of sustaining American exceptionalism and this country's leading position in the world. He was assassinated a little more than a year later, and in subsequent decades American confidence went south.

Not only have we lost our enthusiasm for the exploration of space, we have retreated on the seas. Up to 30 ships, the largest ever constructed, each capable of carrying 18,000 containers, will soon come off the ways in South Korea. Not only will we neither build, own, nor man them, they won't even call at our ports, which are not large enough to receive them. We are no longer exactly the gem of the ocean. Next in line for gratuitous abdication is our naval position.

Separated by the oceans from sources of raw materials in the Middle East, Africa, Australia and South America, and from markets and manufacture in Europe, East Asia and India, we are in effect an island nation. Because 95% and 90% respectively of U.S. and world foreign trade moves by sea, maritime interdiction is the quickest route to both the strangulation of any given nation and chaos in the international system. First Britain and then the U.S. have been the guarantors of the open oceans. The nature of this task demands a large blue-water fleet that simply cannot be abridged.

With the loss of a large number of important bases world-wide, if and when the U.S. projects military power it must do so most of the time from its own territory or the sea. Immune to political cross-currents, economically able to cover multiple areas, hypoallergenic to restive populations, and safe from insurgencies, the fleets are instruments of undeniable utility in support of allies and response to aggression. Forty percent of the world's population lives within range of modern naval gunfire, and more than two-thirds within easy reach of carrier aircraft. Nothing is better or safer than naval power and presence to preserve the often fragile reticence among nations, to protect American interests and those of our allies, and to prevent the wars attendant to imbalances of power and unrestrained adventurism.

And yet the fleet has been made to wither even in time of war. We have the smallest navy in almost a century, declining in the past 50 years to 286 from 1,000 principal combatants. Apologists may cite typical postwar diminutions, but the ongoing 17% reduction from 1998 to the present applies to a navy that unlike its wartime predecessors was not previously built up. These are reductions upon reductions. Nor can there be comfort in the fact that modern ships are more capable, for so are the ships of potential opponents. And even if the capacity of a whole navy could be packed into a small number of super ships, they could be in only a limited number of places at a time, and the loss of just a few of them would be catastrophic.

The overall effect of recent erosions is illustrated by the fact that 60 ships were commonly underway in America's seaward approaches in 1998, but today—despite opportunities for the infiltration of terrorists, the potential of weapons of mass destruction, and the ability of rogue nations to sea-launch intermediate and short-range ballistic missiles—there are only 20.

As China's navy rises and ours declines, not that far in the future the trajectories will cross. Rather than face this, we seduce ourselves with redefinitions such as the vogue concept that we can block with relative ease the straits through which the strategic materials upon which China depends must transit. But in one blink this would move us from the canonical British/American control of the sea to the insurgent model of lesser navies such as Germany's in World Wars I and II and the Soviet Union's in the Cold War. If we cast ourselves as insurgents, China will be driven even faster to construct a navy that can dominate the oceans, a complete reversal of fortune.

The United Sates Navy need not follow the Royal Navy into near oblivion. We have five times the population and almost six times the GDP of the U.K., and unlike Britain we were not exhausted by the great wars and their debt, and we neither depended upon an empire for our sway nor did we lose one.

Despite its necessity, deficit reduction is not the only or even the most important thing. Abdicating our more than half-century stabilizing role on the oceans, neglecting the military balance, and relinquishing a position we are fully capable of holding will bring tectonic realignments among nations—and ultimately more expense, bloodletting, and heartbreak than the most furious deficit hawk is capable of imagining. A technological nation with a GDP of $14 trillion can afford to build a fleet worthy of its past and sufficient to its future. Pity it if it does not.

Mr. Helprin, a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, is the author of, among other works, "Winter's Tale" (Harcourt), "A Soldier of the Great War" (Harcourt) and, most recently, "Digital Barbarism" (HarperCollins).

想做奴隶而不得的时代 & 暂时做稳了奴隶的时代

灯下漫笔

鲁迅《坟》

一、

有一时，就是民国二三年时候，北京的几个国家银行的钞票，信用日见其好了，真所谓蒸蒸日上。听说连一向执迷于现银的乡下人，也知道这既便当，又可靠，很乐意收受，行使了。至于稍明事理的人，则不必是“特殊知识阶级”，也早不将沉重累坠的银元装在怀中，来自讨无谓的苦吃。想来，除了多少对于银子有特别嗜好和爱情的人物之外，所有的怕大都是钞票了罢，而且多是本国的。但可惜后来忽然受了一个不小的打击。

就是袁世凯②想做皇帝的那一年，蔡松坡③先生溜出北京，到云南去起义。这边所受的影响之一，是中国和交通银行的停止兑现。虽然停止兑现，政府勒令商民照旧行用的威力却还有的；商民也自有商民的老本领，不说不要，却道找不出零钱。假如拿几十几百的钞票去买东西，我不知道怎样，但倘使只要买一枝笔，一盒烟卷呢，难道就付给一元钞票么？不但不甘心，也没有这许多票。那么，换铜元，少换几个罢，又都说没有铜元。那么，到亲戚朋友那里借现钱去罢，怎么会有？于是降格以求，不讲爱国了，要外国银行的钞票。但外国银行的钞票这时就等于现银，他如果借给你这钞票，也就借给你真的银元了。

我还记得那时我怀中还有三四十元的中交票④，可是忽而变了一个穷人，几乎要绝食，很有些恐慌。俄国革命以后的藏着纸卢布的富翁的心情，恐怕也就这样的罢；至多，不过更深更大罢了。我只得探听，钞票可能折价换到现银呢？说是没有行市。幸而终于，暗暗地有了行市了：六折几。我非常高兴，赶紧去卖了一半。后来又涨到七折了，我更非常高兴，全去换了现银，沉垫垫地坠在怀中，似乎这就是我的性命的斤两。倘在平时，钱铺子如果少给我一个铜元，我是决不答应的。

但我当一包现银塞在怀中，沉垫垫地觉得安心，喜欢的时候，却突然起了另一思想，就是：我们极容易变成奴隶，而且变了之后，还万分喜欢。

假如有一种暴力，“将人不当人”，不但不当人，还不及牛马，不算什么东西；待到人们羡慕牛马，发生“乱离人，不及太平犬”的叹息的时候，然后给与他略等于牛马的价格，有如元朝定律，打死别人的奴隶，赔一头牛，⑤则人们便要心悦诚服，恭颂太平的盛世。为什么呢？因为他虽不算人，究竟已等于牛马了。

我们不必恭读《钦定二十四史》，或者入研究室，审察精神文明的高超。只要一翻孩子所读的《鉴略》，——还嫌烦重，则看《历代纪元编》⑥，就知道“三千余年古国古”⑦的中华，历来所闹的就不过是这一个小玩艺。但在新近编纂的所谓“历史教科书”一流东西里，却不大看得明白了，只仿佛说：咱们向来就很好的。

但实际上，中国人向来就没有争到过“人”的价格，至多不过是奴隶，到现在还如此，然而下于奴隶的时候，却是数见不鲜的。中国的百姓是中立的，战时连自己也不知道属于那一面，但又属于无论那一面。强盗来了，就属于官，当然该被杀掠；官兵既到，该是自家人了罢，但仍然要被杀掠，仿佛又属于强盗似的。这时候，百姓就希望有一个一定的主子，拿他们去做百姓，——不敢，是拿他们去做牛马，情愿自己寻草吃，只求他决定他们怎样跑。

假使真有谁能够替他们决定，定下什么奴隶规则来，自然就“皇恩浩荡”了。可惜的是往往暂时没有谁能定。举其大者，则如五胡十六国⑧的时候，黄巢⑨的时候，五代⑩时候，宋末元末时候，除了老例的服役纳粮以外，都还要受意外的灾殃。张献忠的脾气更古怪了，不服役纳粮的要杀，服役纳粮的也要杀，敌他的要杀，降他的也要杀：将奴隶规则毁得粉碎。这时候，百姓就希望来一个另外的主子，较为顾及他们的奴隶规则的，无论仍旧，或者新颁，总之是有一种规则，使他们可上奴隶的轨道。

“时日曷丧，予及汝偕亡！”⑾愤言而已，决心实行的不多见。实际上大概是群盗如麻，纷乱至极之后，就有一个较强，或较聪明，或较狡滑，或是外族的人物出来，较有秩序地收拾了天下。厘定规则：怎样服役，怎样纳粮，怎样磕头，怎样颂圣。而且这规则是不像现在那样朝三暮四的。于是便“万姓胪欢” 了；用成语来说，就叫作“天下太平”。

任凭你爱排场的学者们怎样铺张，修史时候设些什么“汉族发祥时代”“汉族发达时代”“汉族中兴时代”的好题目，好意诚然是可感的，但措辞太绕湾子了。有更其直捷了当的说法在这里——

一，想做奴隶而不得的时代；
二，暂时做稳了奴隶的时代。

这一种循环，也就是“先儒”之所谓“一治一乱”⑿；那些作乱人物，从后日的“臣民”看来，是给“主子”清道辟路的，所以说：“为圣天子驱除云尔。”⒀现在入了那一时代，我也不了然。但看国学家的崇奉国粹，文学家的赞叹固有文明，道学家的热心复古，可见于现状都已不满了。然而我们究竟正向着那一条路走呢？百姓是一遇到莫名其妙的战争，稍富的迁进租界，妇孺则避入教堂里去了，因为那些地方都比较的“稳”，暂不至于想做奴隶而不得。总而言之，复古的，避难的，无智愚贤不肖，似乎都已神往于三百年前的太平盛世，就是“暂时做稳了奴隶的时代”了。

但我们也就都像古人一样，永久满足于“古已有之”的时代么？都像复古家一样，不满于现在，就神往于三百年前的太平盛世么？

自然，也不满于现在的，但是，无须反顾，因为前面还有道路在。而创造这中国历史上未曾有过的第三样时代，则是现在的青年的使命！

二 、

但是赞颂中国固有文明的人们多起来了，加之以外国人。我常常想，凡有来到中国的，倘能疾首蹙额而憎恶中国，我敢诚意地捧献我的感谢，因为他一定是不愿意吃中国人的肉的！

鹤见钓辅⒁氏在《北京的魅力》中，记一个白人将到中国，预定的暂住时候是一年，但五年之后，还在北京，而且不想回去了。有一天，他们两人一同吃晚饭——

“在圆的桃花心木的食桌前坐定，川流不息地献着出海的珍味，谈话就从古董，画， 政治这些开头。电灯上罩着支那式的灯罩，淡淡的光洋溢于古物罗列的屋子中。什么无产阶级呀，Proletariat⒂呀那些事，就像不过在什么地方刮风。

“我一面陶醉在支那生活的空气中，一面深思着对于外人有着‘魅力’的这东西。元人也曾征服支那，而被征服于汉人种的生活美了；满人也征服支那，而被征服于汉人种的生活美了。现在西洋人也一样，嘴里虽然说着Democracy⒃呀，什么什么呀，而却被魅于支那人费六千年而建筑起来的生活的美。一经住过北京，就忘不掉那生活的味道。大风时候的万丈的沙尘，每三月一回的督军们的开战游戏，都不能抹去这支那生活的魅力。”

这些话我现在还无力否认他。我们的古圣先贤既给与我们保古守旧的格言，但同时也排好了用子女玉帛所做的奉献于征服者的大宴。中国人的耐劳，中国人的多子，都就是办酒的材料，到现在还为我们的爱国者所自诩的。西洋人初入中国时，被称为蛮夷，自不免个个蹙额，但是，现在则时机已至，到了我们将曾经献于北魏，献于金，献于元，献于清的盛宴，来献给他们的时候了。出则汽车，行则保护：虽遇清道，然而通行自由的；虽或被劫，然而必得赔偿的；孙美瑶⒄掳去他们站在军前，还使官兵不敢开火。何况在华屋中享用盛宴呢？待到享受盛宴的时候，自然也就是赞颂中国固有文明的时候；但是我们的有些乐观的爱国者，也许反而欣然色喜，以为他们将要开始被中国同化了罢。古人曾以女人作苟安的城堡，美其名以自欺曰“和亲”，今人还用子女玉帛为作奴的贽敬，又美其名曰“同化”。所以倘有外国的谁，到了已有赴宴的资格的现在，而还替我们诅咒中国的现状者，这才是真有良心的真可佩服的人！

但我们自己是早已布置妥帖了，有贵贱，有大小，有上下。自己被人凌虐，但也可以凌虐别人；自己被人吃，但也可以吃别人。一级一级的制驭着，不能动弹，也不想动弹了。因为倘一动弹，虽或有利，然而也有弊。我们且看古人的良法美意罢——

“天有十日，人有十等。下所以事上，上所以共神也。故王臣公，公臣大夫，大夫臣士，士臣阜，阜臣舆，舆臣隶，隶臣僚，僚臣仆，仆臣台⒅。”（《左传》昭公七年）但是“台”没有臣，不是太苦了么？无须担心的，有比他更卑的妻，更弱的子在。而且其子也很有希望，他日长大，升而为“台”，便又有更卑更弱的妻子，供他驱使了。如此连环，各得其所，有敢非议者，其罪名曰不安分！

虽然那是古事，昭公七年离现在也太辽远了，但“复古家”尽可不必悲观的。太平的景象还在：常有兵燹，常有水旱，可有谁听到大叫唤么？打的打，革的革，可有处士来横议么？对国民如何专横，向外人如何柔媚，不犹是差等的遗风么？中国固有的精神文明，其实并未为共和二字所埋没，只有满人已经退席，和先前稍不同。

因此我们在目前，还可以亲见各式各样的筵宴，有烧烤，有翅席，有便饭，有西餐。但茅檐下也有淡饭，路傍也有残羹，野上也有饿莩；有吃烧烤的身价不资的阔人，也有饿得垂死的每斤八文的孩子⒆（见《现代评论》二十一期）。所谓中国的文明者，其实不过是安排给阔人享用的人肉的筵宴。所谓中国者，其实不过是安排这人肉的筵宴的厨房。不知道而赞颂者是可恕的，否则，此辈当得永远的诅咒！

外国人中，不知道而赞颂者，是可恕的；占了高位，养尊处优，因此受了蛊惑，昧却灵性而赞叹者，也还可恕的。可是还有两种，其一是以中国人为劣种，只配悉照原来模样，因而故意称赞中国的旧物。其一是愿世间人各不相同以增自己旅行的兴趣，到中国看辫子，到日本看木屐，到高丽看笠子，倘若服饰一样，便索然无味了，因而来反对亚洲的欧化。这些都可憎恶。至于罗素在西湖见轿夫含笑⒇，便赞美中国人，则也许别有意思罢。但是，轿夫如果能对坐轿的人不含笑，中国也早不是现在似的中国了。

这文明，不但使外国人陶醉，也早使中国一切人们无不陶醉而且至于含笑。因为古代传来而至今还在的许多差别，使人们各各分离，遂不能再感到别人的痛苦；并且因为自己各有奴使别人，吃掉别人的希望，便也就忘却自己同有被奴使被吃掉的将来。于是大小无数的人肉的筵宴，即从有文明以来一直排到现在，人们就在这会场中吃人，被吃，以凶人的愚妄的欢呼，将悲惨的弱者的呼号遮掩，更不消说女人和小儿。

这人肉的筵宴现在还排着，有许多人还想一直排下去。扫荡这些食人者，掀掉这筵席，毁坏这厨房，则是现在的青年的使命！

一九二五年四月二十九日。

① 本篇最初分两次发表于一九二五年五月一日、二十二日《莽原》周刊第二期和第五期。

② 袁世凯（1859—1916） 河南项城人，自一八九六年（清光绪二十二年）在天津小站练兵起，即成为实际上北洋军阀的首领。由于他拥有反动武装，并且勾结帝国主义，又由于当时领导革命的资产阶级的妥协性，他在一九一一年的辛亥革命后窃夺了国家的政权，于一九一二年三月就任中华民国临时大总统，组织了代表大地主大买办阶级利益的第一个北洋政府；后又于一九一三年十月雇用“公民团”包围议会，选举他为正式大总统。但他并不以此为满足，更于一九一六年一月恢复君主专制政体，自称皇帝。蔡锷等在云南起义反对帝制，得到各省响应，袁世凯被迫于一九一六年三月二十二日取消帝制，六月六日死于北京。

③ 蔡松坡（1882—1916） 名锷，字松坡，湖南邵阳人，辛亥革命时任云南都督，一九一三年被袁世凯调到北京，加以监视。一九一五年他潜离北京，同年十二月回到云南组织护国军，讨伐袁世凯。

④ 中交票 中国银行和交通银行（都是当时的国家银行）发行的钞票。

⑤ 关于元朝的打死别人奴隶赔一头牛的定律，多桑《蒙古史》第二卷第二章中引有元太宗窝阔台的话说：“成吉思汗法令，杀一回教徒者罚黄金四十巴里失，而杀一汉人者其偿价仅与一驴相等。”（据冯承钧译文）当时汉人的地位和奴隶相等。

⑥ 《鉴略》 清代王仕云著，是旧时学垫用的初级历史读物，上起盘古，下迄明弘光。全为四言韵语。《历代纪元编》，清代李兆洛著；分三卷，上卷纪元总载，中卷纪元甲子表，下卷纪元编韵。是中国历史的干支年表。

⑦ “三千余年古国古” 语出清代黄遵宪《出军歌》：“四千余岁古国古，是我完全土。”

⑧ 五胡十六国 公元三○四年至四三九年间，我国匈奴、羯、鲜卑、氏、羌等五个少数民族先后在北方和西蜀立国，计有前赵、后赵、前燕、后燕、南燕、后凉、南凉、北凉、前秦、后秦、西秦、夏、成汉，加上汉族建立的前凉、西凉、北燕，共十六国，史称“五胡十六国”。

⑨ 黄巢（？—884） 曹州冤句（今山东菏泽）人，唐末农民起义领袖。唐乾符二年（875）参加王仙芝的起义。王仙芝阵亡后，被推为领袖，破洛阳，入潼关，广明一年（880）据长安，称大齐皇帝。后因内部分裂，为沙陀国李克用所败，中和四年（884）在泰山虎狼谷被围自杀。黄巢和张献忠一样，旧史书中都有关于他们杀人的夸大记载。

⑩ 五代 即公元九○七年至九六○年间的梁、唐、晋、汉、周五个朝代。

⑾ “时日曷丧，予及汝偕亡” 语见《尚书·汤誓》。时日，指夏桀。

⑿ “一治一乱” 语见《孟子·滕文公》：“天下之生久矣，一洽一乱。”

⒀ “为圣天子驱除云尔” 语出《汉书·王莽传赞》：“圣王之驱除云尔。”唐代颜师古注：“言驱逐蠲除以待圣人也。”

⒁ 鹤见钓辅（1885—1972） 日本评论家。作者曾选译过他的随笔集《思想·山水·人物》，《北京的魅力》一文即见于该书。

⒂ Proletariat 英语：无产阶级。

⒃ Democracy 英语：民主。

⒄ 孙美瑶 当时占领山东抱犊固的土匪头领。一九二三年五月五日他在津浦铁路临城站劫车，掳去中外旅客二百多人，是当时哄动一时的事件。

⒅ 王、公、大夫、士、阜、舆、隶、僚、仆、台是奴隶社会等级的名称。前四种是统治者的等级，后六种是被奴役者的等级。

⒆ 每斤八文的孩子 一九二五年五月二日《现代评论》第一卷第二十一期载有仲瑚的《一个四川人的通信》，叙说当时军阀统治下四川劳动人民的悲惨生活，其中说：“男小孩只卖八枚铜子一斤，女小孩连这个价钱也卖不了。”

⒇ 罗素（B．Russell，1872—1970） 英国哲学家。一九二○年曾来中国讲学，并在各地游览。关于“轿夫含笑”事，见他所著《中国问题》一书：“我记得一个大夏天，我们几个人坐轿过山，道路崎岖难行，轿夫非常的辛苦；我们到了山顶，停十分钟，让他们休息一会。立刻他们就并排的坐下来了，抽出他们的烟袋来，谈着笑着，好像一点忧虑都没有似的。”