Sunday, January 30, 2011

美国最高法院全面保守化了么

美国最高法院全面保守化了么

何帆

《南方周末·阅读版》2010年10月28日
  
2010年6月,九十高龄的美国最高法院大法官斯蒂文斯宣布退休,大法官席位出缺。依照宪法,递补人选应由总统奥巴马提名。提名宣布前,共和党参议员奥林•哈奇公开威胁:“如果总统提名一位司法能动主义者,共和党将发起全力阻击!”有记者问哈奇:“您心目中的司法能动主义者,是指动辄推翻国会立法的法官么?”哈奇想了想,笑着说:“那要看推翻的是什么样的法律了。”
  
哈奇的话传开后,政界人士颇有时空错位之感。不少学者感慨:“看来在当代共和党人心目中,司法能动主义的含义已经发生变化了。”其实,所谓司法能动主义,最早是指法官以积极态度解释宪法,通过司法审查,推翻违宪法律。与之相对的概念,则是司法克制主义,即法官恪守本分,尊重国会,将重大政治争议交由立法解决。
  
20世纪50年代,种族论调在政坛仍然很有市场,自由派关于破除种族隔离的议程,既无法在国会通过,也得不到总统支持,只好求助于司法机构。那一时期,首席大法官厄尔•沃伦麾下的最高法院,将司法能动主义发挥到了极致,大法官们以“举国共识”为依据,推翻了许多先例和立法,变相实现了废除种族隔离、维护刑事被告权利的目的。而在保守派心目中,这根本是“法官立法”,僭越权限,他们不仅要求弹劾沃伦,还从理论上对司法能动主义进行了全面批判。
  
进入21世纪,最高法院渐趋保守,司法能动主义逐步势微。小布什离任前,先后提名约翰•罗伯茨、萨缪尔•阿利托两位极端保守派人士出任大法官,首席大法官亦由罗伯茨担任。九位大法官中,已有四名保守派,四名自由派,一名中间派。由于自由派大法官不是年事已高,就是身患重病,许多自由派人士担心,如果民主党在2008年总统大选中失利,一旦再有大法官退休,共和党总统必定会向大法官队伍输入更多保守派,最高法院将彻底沦为“最高政治法院”。2007年,《纽约客》专栏作家杰弗里•图宾在《九人:美国最高法院风云》一书中,就表达了类似忧虑。由于该书首次揭示了白宫与最高法院间的微妙关系,以及最高法院内部的政治斗争,成为当年的政治畅销书之一。
  
2009年1月,奥巴马上任后,大刀阔斧推动金融、医疗制度改革,共和派在国会全面失势。阻止奥巴马的医改计划受挫后,保守派只好将希望寄托在最高法院身上。这些人不再谈什么越俎代庖,而是像哈奇说得那样,共和党允许最高法院推翻法律,只要推翻的是民主党创立的“恶法”,就算不上司法能动主义。

2010年1月21日,最高法院在“公民联盟诉联邦选举委员会案”中,推翻了《跨党派竞选改革法》部分内容,解除了对企业资金介入政治选举的限制,激起白宫、国会的强烈反弹。3天后,奥巴马发表首次国情咨文时,一反“三权分立,和和气气”的常态,当众谴责了最高法院的判决。保守派小试牛刀成功后,又将攻击重点放在医改计划上。如今,已有13个州的司法总长以医改计划违宪为由,在当地法院提起诉讼。不到两年时间,这一争议肯定会成为最高法院审理的议题。有人预测,照这个趋势发展下去,最高法院与白宫自罗斯福“新政”以来最大的一次冲突,即将在近两年爆发。
  
或许是为映衬这一背景,2010年3月,作家杰夫•谢索的新著《最高权力:富兰克林•罗斯福vs.最高法院》,成为华盛顿的政治畅销书。这本书表面梳理了罗斯福总统为推行“新政”,与最高法院“九个老男人”博弈的历史,其实是借古喻今,暗示奥巴马与罗伯茨法院之间的“暗流涌动”、斗智斗勇。
  
不过,笔者始终认为,美式宪政发展到今天,无论是广大民众,还是大法官们自己,都不会容忍最高法院沦为“最高政治法院”。事实上,我们说一个法院陷入政治化,不是说法官由谁任命,或者说审理的案件与政治相关,而是指大法官审案完全成为国会政争的延续。换句话说,大家不能容忍的是,一个案子进入最高法院后,人们仅仅根据大法官们的意识形态或所属党派,就能对结果猜个八九不离十。出现一两起这样的案件还可以理解,但如果所有案件都呈现如此态势,法官与政客将没有区别,司法也将失去公信力。
  
2009年,译完《九人》之后,我曾对美国最高法院近10年的案件进行过为期一年的观察。之所以如此,一方面是出于兴趣,一方面是为填补国内相关研究的空白。愈是深入观察大法官们裁判的案件,愈可以发现,对这一群体的判断,绝不能简单用“自由化”、“保守化”或“政治化”来概括。
  
首先,大法官都是终身制,一旦履任,总统、政党均不得替换。大法官完全无须顾忌被撤换或弹劾。而且,人的立场始终在变化之中。爱伦•德肖微茨算是美国人权领域赫赫有名的大律师了,可在“9•11”事件之后,他居然建议设置“刑求令”,对拒绝招供的恐怖分子使用酷刑。今年退休的斯蒂文斯大法官,1975年刚履任时还坚决拥护死刑,到2008年,却宣布死刑违宪。这也证明,用凝滞的眼光看人、看问题,是多么荒谬的事。
  
其次,保守的含义,其实颇为多元。它可能是对无孔不入的“大政府”的畏惧,可能是对上帝的虔诚信仰,也可能是对种族、文化、性的审慎态度,很难以进步或落后加以评判。有的保守派大法官想法确实极端,但也有人只是坚持按原意解释宪法,哪怕最终得出的是自由派结论,也在所不惜。这里面,最有意思的是斯卡利亚大法官,他坚决支持死刑,但在维护当事人的隐私权与对质权方面,却比自由派还要激进。在他的主导下,最高法院2009年甚至宣布,所有的刑事鉴定专家今后都要出庭作证,令许多观察家大跌眼镜。最近几年,除非涉及堕胎、持枪等原则性问题,大法官们许多判决已不再严格按意识形态划界,甚至出现了不少“混搭”组合,尤其在刑事案件中,更是如此。
  
最后,如今的大法官们,越来越注意最高法院在民众心目中的地位,生怕被人视为政治工具。大法官们不会明说自己正依从民意判案,但在重大公共事务上,无论自由派还是保守派,其判决结果都不会偏离主流民意太远。与政党政治相比,大法官们在审理案件时,更注重民意的“大气候”。在美国,人们常说“大法官说了算”,不过,最高法院许多判决并不只是权力的宣示,更是一种理想的表达,当权力与理想合二为一时,才能慢慢影响人们的观念,直至形成一种为更先进的文化。最高法院或许并非民意的引领者,但它必须用自身的作为,去争取人民的信任与认可,就像2009年辞职的戴维•苏特大法官说的那样:“无论最高法院如何判决,绝大多数人都会接受判决结果。这种信任,建立在过去上百位大法官孜孜努力的基础之上。事实上,我们因为承继了前人的信誉、正直与良知才受到信赖。没有美国人民的信任,最高法院就没有权威。”这也正是我在《大法官说了算:美国司法观察笔记》一书中,所力图表达的观点。
  
(【美】杰弗里•图宾著:《九人:美国最高法院风云》,何帆译,上海三联书店2010年。何帆著:《大法官说了算:美国司法观察笔记》,法律出版社2010年。)

后记:匆匆与生活讲和,岂非负了少年

何帆

http://book.douban.com/review/3463022/

2009年4月,译完《九人:美国最高法院风云》,对联邦最高法院这个话题,仍觉得言犹未尽,很想再说点什么,却不知从何说起。朋友说:你这是用力过度,无法自拔,患了“译书综合症”,可以考虑换换脑子,读点古书中和一下。
  
5月初,圣贤书还未翻开,戴维•苏特大法官突然宣布辞职。我的第一反应是:演出开始了。因为随之展开的,将是民主党总统15年来第一次大法官提名、驴象两党新一轮政治角力、最高法院两种意识形态的此消彼长……这些连锁效应,是《九人》故事的现实延伸,更是治愈“译书综合症”的灵丹妙药。一年来,观察、记叙、思考上述变化,成为智识上的一次愉悦体验。
  
新任大法官索尼娅•索托马约尔上任后,我将陆续完成的部分文字交朋友、同事征求意见。没想到,大家普遍对宏大叙事、具体规则不感兴趣,反而建议我在写作时,尽可能少摆学术腔,少讲大道理,少拾人牙慧,要像调查报道记者一样,选取有趣角度,多挖八卦掌故,用最新的材料说事。至于写作风格,有人说该学林达、薛涌,有人说该学刘瑜、吴澧,也有人说得向任东来先生看齐。最后讨论的结果是,既然是中国法官“观察”美国最高法院,还是保留法律人独有的风格比较好,在注重专业性的前提下,兼顾可读性与趣味性。
  
必须承认,这样的要求,对惯于写判决、报告的我来说,实在有些为难。相当长一段时间里,我都为琢磨文章的选题、结构焦虑不已。既不愿“炒冷饭”,又怕驾驭不了太新鲜的话题,更害怕拙劣的文笔糟蹋了一个好选题。当然,如果没有朋友们的要求与鼓励,那些与莎剧考证、律政偶像、法官伦理、文档解密、判决脚注、维基百科相关的文字,以及9位大法官的小传,也不可能出现在这本书里。
  
说到文体,为深入解读2008至2010年的重要判例,我从联邦最高法院官方网站下载了许多庭审记录、判决意见。阅读众多意见原文后,不得不感叹“美式”判决文体的自由、多元。为论证清楚一个问题,大法官们引经据典,不厌其烦,不惜将庭上言辞交锋延伸为纸面刀笔之争。无论你是否赞同他们的推论,至少每个人的思路、论据、风格是一目了然的,哪怕是类似“民意”、“举国共识”这样中国法官尽力回避,又很难量化的抽象问题,大法官们也会郑重其事地论述一番。
  
说到判例,我一直很疑惑,为什么很长一段时间以来,身边师长、朋友津津乐道的,多是最高法院1950-70年代作出的里程碑式判例,如布朗案、罗伊案、米兰达案等,而最近数十年内的重要案件,则很少有人提及。国内许多介绍美国最高法院的书籍,谈到2000年的布什诉戈尔案就戛然而止,仿佛大法官们近10年根本没审过什么案子。
  
新案很少有人理会,或许是因为,大家普遍认为美国最高法院近些年趋于保守,审理的案件没那么“重要”,至少没有沃伦法院时代那么重要。又或者,人们越来越意识到,美国有美国的历史语境,中国有中国的现实国情,司法审查那一套在中国根本行不通,研究美国最高法院的判决,在制度建构上并没有意义。当然,还可能有一个更重要的原因,那就是:大家都不愿,或者没时间阅读动辄上百页的英文判决原文。
  
写到这里,我想起台湾大学王兆鹏教授曾在一篇文章里,谈到过这样一则轶事。1992年,王先生尚在芝加哥大学准备期末考试,意外发现几名日本同学正手捧日文书翻读。他暗自纳闷,大考将近,大家都忙着啃英文判例,这帮人怎么还有心情读日文书?后来向一位相熟的日本同学打听,才知道美国最高法院许多重要判决,早已被日本学者同步翻译为日文出版。因此,日本学生只用读母语,就能轻松应付美国法学院的考试了。王先生对此艳羡不已,感叹中文世界实在罕有这样的热心人。
  
当然,在海外判例编译方面,台湾现在可一点不输给日本。2009年11月,我在台湾考察司法改革情况,发现当地“司法院”从2000年起,就已组织专人翻译美国、日本最高法院与欧洲人权法院的最新判例。其中,《美国联邦最高法院宪法判决选译》已出版到第六辑,几乎涵盖了近半个世纪所有重要判例。“中央研究院”欧美研究所也从1995年起,以3年为一个周期,连续出版了四辑《美国最高法院重要判决之研究》,对重要判例逐一进行了学理阐释。
  
在台湾,我曾问一位法官,你们编译这些判例的价值何在?因为对外国最高法院判例感兴趣的人,会自己从网上下载原文阅读,而没兴趣的人,即使你翻译得再通达流畅,也不会多看一眼。这位老兄笑着说,总有一部分人是对判决有兴趣,却没时间阅读原文的。如果这些判例对一个法官处理案件,一个学者建构理论,一个学生思考问题有所启发,就是翻译价值的最好体现。更重要的是,通过翻译引介,甲国法官可以见证乙国法官对相似问题的推理演绎,洞悉乙国法治与社会发展的良性互动,长此以往,对甲国法治亦是一种促动与推进。
  
我非常赞同这位台湾同行的话。的确,人类之间的纠纷皆有共性,外国法院的判例,回应的未必就是我们陌生的问题,也未必对我们的法治建设没有意义。相反,在缺乏洞察与了解的基础上,就急于给一国司法贴上某种主义,或某个阶级的标签,才是一种不负责任的态度。正是基于上述原因,本书在选入案件时,多少考虑到案件类型与中国当下现实的隐约对应,如校园安全、法官伦理、司法公开、网络言论自由、死刑裁判中的民意因素、连续讯问嫌犯的时间间隔、错案纠正的法律机制、法医出庭的必要性、被告与控方证人的对质权,等等。至于同期其它类型的案件,如限制堕胎、政教关系、枪支政策、同性恋婚姻、种族平权措施等,虽然对美国人来说也非常重要,但限于主旨、篇幅,本书就不做过多展开了。
  
说来惭愧,我并非专职研究者,没有足够时间、精力翻译海外判决,这本书的写作,也更多是利用业余时间完成。但是,在力所能及的范围内,我愿努力扮演一个“替读者”角色。通过“替”人们阅读最新判例,择出一些有影响力或参考性的案件,以随笔形式引介给大家。如果真能循此途径,唤起部分读者对美国司法政治的研究兴趣,并对他们思考、解决某一问题有所助益,这样的努力就是值得的。
  
这本书完成之际,正赶上美国联邦最高法院2009至2010年开庭期的结束,九十高龄的斯蒂文斯大法官光荣退休,对新任大法官候选人艾琳娜•卡根的确认听证会,也正在参议院进行。虽然,即使卡根成功通过确认,也不可能改变最高法院内部的力量对比,但鉴于最高法院与白宫之间正暗流涌动,很可能发生“新政”以来规模最大的冲突,前首席政府律师卡根加入大法官行列,或许能缓解这一矛盾。
  
在已过去的一年中,大法官们允许企业资金介入政治选举,宣布各州禁枪法令违宪,修订了“米兰达规则”,禁止判处未成年人终身监禁、不得假释,自由、保守两派可以说各有胜绩。值得一提的是,首席大法官约翰•罗伯茨对最高法院的控制力正逐步增强。本开庭期84个判决中,有46%为全体一致判决,多过去年的33%。5票对4票的判决仅占18%,少于去年的30%。在92%的案件中,罗伯茨都位于多数方。尽管如此,许多重要案件的最终结果,仍取决于肯尼迪大法官那关键性的一票。而且,斯蒂文斯退休后,肯尼迪成为资历仅次于罗伯茨、斯卡利亚的大法官,这就意味着,当肯尼迪与这两人意见相悖时,将由他来分配判决意见的撰写任务。这对自由派大法官们来说,绝非什么好事。而保守派大法官在诸多重要议题上的“反扑”,将变得更加咄咄逼人。总之,这个夏天过后,新一出司法大戏,将在2010年10月再度开场。如果时间允许,我也将继续自己的观察与研究工作。
  
感谢最高人民法院蒋惠岭、曹士兵、周加海、刘树德、方金刚、王晓滨、陈鹏展、付育、田朗亮诸位法官,书中许多观点是在与他们的讨论、交流,甚至争辩中形成的。在这样一个人心浮躁的年代里,我很庆幸能与这些同仁共事,并能以理性、开放的态度,讨论“司法是什么,应当是什么”等永恒的话题。感谢芝加哥大学的何京锴,这本书的构思,由我俩在MSN上讨论确定,最终定稿亦未超出我们当初议定的框架。感谢法律出版社的柯恒、张琪、中国法制出版社的罗菜娜、《南方周末》的赵蕾、赵凌、《新京报》的王爱军、曹保印、《南方都市报》的李文凯、邓志新、《人民法院报》的张国香、《检察日报》的刘卉、《法制日报》的蒋安杰、蒋丽萍、《看历史》杂志的杜兴,本书部分文章曾在这些报刊发表,他(她)们对我交稿的拖延,及稿件中的错漏,表现出了最大的宽容。最后要感谢爱妻鸿谅,她是本书的第一读者,总是在迎头痛批一番后,转头替我认真斟酌文字,调整结构。可以说,这本书凝聚了我们共同的心血与智慧。
  
这些年来,自己一直保持着一种相对紧张的状态。写作与翻译,成了审判与调研工作之外的主题。甚至连未来两年该做什么研究,该译哪些书,都已预先做了安排。其实,自己何尝不羡慕那种淡漠从容、闲云野鹤的生活,但是,如果还存有追逐智识的激情,还愿享受吸取新知的愉悦,还试图通过努力去改变些什么,为什么要早早停下脚步呢?正像一句老话说的:匆匆与生活讲和,岂非负了少年?
  
是为记。
  
2010年7月4日
于最高人民法院

在政治与法律之间

刘瑜

《大法官说了算》书评,《新京报》

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在关于政治的各种大词中,“法治”可能是最政治正确的一个——“自由”可能引起混乱,“民主”可能引起多数暴政,“民族主义”则可能引起冲突,所以我们时不时听说一个国家“太自由了”、“太民主了”、“民族主义太狂热了”——唯有“法治”,好像从没有听说过谁抱怨一个国家“太强调法治了”。

人们对“法治”的这种认同,大约是因为“法治”与“人治”相对,包含了“不偏不倚”和“非任意性”这两项原则,而人类对正义的各种认识,大致都可以追溯到这两项原则。然而,真的存在一个完全脱离“人治”的“法治”吗?法律难道不是人制定、解释和执行的吗?脱离了人的因素,法律难道不仅仅是一堆纸片,可以被揉成一团扔到垃圾桶里去吗?

何帆2010年的新书《大法官说了算:美国司法观察笔记》,就是试图在美国当代社会的背景下,展示法治在政治冲突中是否可能,以及何以可能。对于那些试图透过司法动态了解美国精神的人,这是一本不可多得的好书。

乍一读此书,读者几乎会对法治精神在政治激流中是否可能感到怀疑:法官也是人,而“有人的地方就有左中右”,因此,如何诠释法律也就变成了一个政治问题。于是,在何帆的笔下,我们看到美国今天最高法院的九个大法官被分成了三派:右翼保守派是罗伯茨、阿利托、斯卡利亚、托马斯,左翼自由派是斯蒂文斯、金斯伯格、布雷耶、索托马约尔,肯尼迪则被视为中间派。右翼保守派反对堕胎、支持死刑、主张枪支持有权、对利益集团的政治表达不那么警惕,但是对维护有色人种权益的平权法案却颇为反感。左翼自由派则在上述问题上立场截然相反。于是双方在这些问题上展开了旷日持久的拉锯战。令人担忧的是,大法官们之间的意识形态斗争似乎在加剧:2008-2009年,74起案件中近一半是5票比4票或者6票比3票通过,而此前的3年仅有30%的案子如此。

党派之争如此深入地影响司法判决,那么不偏不倚的法治是否可能?美国的“宪法立国”精神是否只是表面文章?当然不是。何帆笔下的大法官们,虽然往往有着鲜明的政见,但同时又是一批拿着放大镜对着法律条文咬文嚼字的“书呆子”,对宪法具有堪称“原教旨主义”式的情感。对法律吹毛求疵、字斟句酌的程度,简直令人发指。比如,在09年的“赫林诉美国”案中,法官们虽然肯定了非法证据排除原则,但却裁决如果警察并非蓄意违法或者错误程度有限,即使是程序上有漏洞的证据,也不能被排除。又比如,在2010年的“佛罗里达州诉鲍威尔”案中,法官们虽然肯定了嫌犯的“米兰达权利”(即嫌犯有在律师不在场的情况下保持沉默的权利),但又指出警察的“米兰达宣告”未必需要一字一句拷贝米兰达案的判决原文,只要表达出嫌犯“被讯问前有权随时见律师”的大意就行。再比如,在2004年的“克劳福德诉华盛顿州”案中,就被告是否有与证人“面对面”对质的权利,大法官们就如何诠释宪法第六修正案展开了激烈辩论,最后重新肯定了“为避免政府滥权,证人庭外陈述不可取代出庭作证”的原则。

在何帆的案例描述中,我们看到,大法官们之所以会发生争论,往往不是因为对法律的蔑视,而是因为法律本身在很多细节问题上含糊其辞。换句话说,今天美国的大法官们往往只是在宪法失语的技术缝隙间展开政治斗争,却绝不至于在宪法的腹地大打出手。米兰达宣告的读法问题上也许还存在争议,但嫌犯是否有保持沉默的权利早已不是问题。大选前60天内企业或工会是否有权赞助政治广告还存在争议,但是有钱人是否可以一口气给某个候选人捐一百万美元这事早已不需争论。我们观察今天美国最高法院里右翼和左翼不亦乐乎的争斗时,往往忘记这两派的共识其实远远大于其分歧,他们对宪法共同的捍卫,远远大于他们对某一党派的忠诚。

即使法官在堕胎、持枪、言论自由尺度、选举筹款等问题上还存在政治分歧,大多时候,这也是一种健康的多样性。毕竟,法官们不是石头里蹦出来的,他们身上必然带有“时代的烙印”。法官之间的矛盾,很大程度上是美国社会矛盾的一个反映。比如在死刑问题上,支持死刑的法官多余反对死刑的法官,恰恰对应于支持死刑的民众多余反对死刑的民众;又比如在“电视上是否允许说脏话”问题上,联邦法院禁止电视粗口的裁决,与美国社会主流的价值不谋而合。一个健康的司法体系里,重要的不是法官们是否受其政见的影响,而是他们是否只能受“一种”政见的影响。如果法官之间能够保持政治多元性,法官和法官之间能够形成政治平衡,法治就仍有可能。

更重要的是,在一个充分制衡的政治体系里,法官的声音只是诸多声音中的一个而已:司法力量需要与行政、立法、媒体、市场、公民社会相博弈平衡。在这个意义上,在美国社会,其实谁说了也不算,总统说了不算,议员说了不算,媒体说了不算,法官说了也不算。也许,只有在一个谁说了都不算的社会,理性本身才可能说了算,人治社会才会转变为法治社会。换句话说,法律的无限权威恰恰体现在法官的有限权威当中。

用《大法官说了算》的封底介绍语来说,这是一本关于美国联邦法院“最新、最in”的书。此话当然不假,因为该书援引的基本都是最近十年左右的司法案例,但是另一方面,所有这些“新”案例的根源其实都是些“老”问题:竞选筹款案例令我们思考言论自由与政治平等如何协调,搜身查毒品案例让我们感受到权利和秩序之间的矛盾,法庭对质案例使我们在程序正义和实质正义之间难以取舍……何帆的写作引导我们通过观察新案例去重温这些老问题,去体会人类在“诸善之争”之间的永恒徘徊。也许有人会为法官不能一劳永逸为人类带来正义而叹息,而我却觉得,正义只可无限被接近却永远无法被掌握,这事令人安慰且欣喜。

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Wednesday, January 26, 2011

Winston Chung Commits to a $10 Million Gift to UC Riverside

Prominent Chinese businessman announces his commitment to provide an endowment supporting UC Riverside’s Bourns College of Engineering

(January 24, 2011)

After signing a memorandum of understanding that will lead to a $10 million gift to UC Riverside, Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung and UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy P. White shake hands as Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, looks on. Photo credit: Peter PhunEnlarge

After signing a memorandum of understanding that will lead to a $10 million gift to UC Riverside, Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung and UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy P. White shake hands as Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, looks on. Photo credit: Peter Phun

RIVERSIDE, Calif. (www.ucr.edu) -- The University of California, Riverside announced Monday that Winston Chung, a Chinese battery technology scientist, inventor and entrepreneur, has expressed his intent to give $10 million to support clean battery power, solar energy and sustainable transportation research at the Bourns College of Engineering.

Chung and UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy P. White on Monday signed a memorandum of understanding that will lead to the gift, which will make Chung the largest individual donor to the campus in UC Riverside history.

Chung is the founder of Winston Global Energy Limited and inventor of the rare earth lithium yttrium battery.

“The University of California, Riverside welcomes Mr. Winston Chung as an integral partner in our educational and research mission,” White said. “His investment in this university will result in generations of students and faculty sharing their knowledge with local and global communities, and in new materials and new energy sources for an energy-hungry world. This gift is a wonderful testimony to the current strengths and aspirational future of the UCR Bourns College of Engineering.”

Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, said Chung’s work on electric vehicles is a perfect match with the Bourns College of Engineering-Center for Environmental Research & Technology (CE-CERT) and the Southern California Research Initiative for Solar Energy (SC-RISE) at UC Riverside.

“Mr. Chung has created a clean and efficient energy storage that is an expression of a sustainable future,” Abbaschian said. “We are talking about vehicles that go for 180 miles on a single charge and can be recharged in the time it takes to stop and drink a cup of coffee.” He said he is excited by the prospect of future research collaborations, and by the opportunities the gift would mean for engineering students.

When an endowed fund is created in Chung’s name, UC Riverside will:
• Name the building currently known as Engineering Building II as Winston Chung Hall.
• Support two named professorships in the Bourns College of Engineering: the Winston Chung Professorship in Energy Innovation and the Winston Chung Professorship in Sustainability.
• Establish the Winston Chung Global Energy Center within CE-CERT. The center will initially focus on Life Source Rare Earth Lithium batteries, which Chung invented, bio-inspired technology and the development of clean energy and energy storage.

Since arriving in the United States, Winston Global Energy Ltd. announced it will provide $310 million to MVP RV, which is based in Riverside, to promote motorhome exports to China. Additional money will fund development of all-electric RVs and fast-charging electrical systems.

The deal was one of about 70 between the U.S. and China announced in connection with the official state visit by Chinese President Hu Jintao, in what was called a demonstration of cooperation between the two countries.

MVP RV expects to export more than 30,000 motorhomes, valued at approximately $5 billion, to China over the next three to four years. The joint venture will push the number jobs at MVP RV from 130 to more than 1,400.

In November, Balqon Corporation, a California developer and manufacturer of zero-emission heavy-duty electric vehicles and drive systems, and Winston Battery jointly showcased their drive systems and battery technologies at The World Electric Vehicle Symposium and Exposition in China. The companies demonstrated the world’s first all-electric recreational vehicle, with a range of 200 km on a single charge. The 45-foot RV can be fully charged within 20 minutes, as compared to 8 hours using traditional methods.
Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung at a lab in the College of Engineering-Center for Environmental Research and Technology.Enlarge

Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung at a lab in the College of Engineering-Center for Environmental Research and Technology.

Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung with Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, looking on.Enlarge

Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung with Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, looking on.

UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy B. White and Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung talk with students on campus.Enlarge

UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy B. White and Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung talk with students on campus.

Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, left, and Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung, stand in front of Engineering Building II, which will be renamed Winston Chung Hall.Enlarge

Reza Abbaschian, dean of the Bourns College of Engineering, left, and Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung, stand in front of Engineering Building II, which will be renamed Winston Chung Hall.

UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy B. White and Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung lead a group walking across campus.Enlarge

UC Riverside Chancellor Timothy B. White and Chinese inventor and businessman Winston Chung lead a group walking across campus.

1984

The first Mac
George Orwell's book
Martin Lipton's "poison pill"
China's city reform

Monday, January 24, 2011

五蠹

《道德经》总共才五千字,《韩非子》光一篇《五蠹》就五千字,难怪不能为群众所喜闻乐见。还害我这么晚才睡觉。

Saturday, January 22, 2011

Happiness

Happiness is the moment when the door is finally opened after you locked yourself out in a freezing winter night.

Thursday, January 20, 2011

US Envoy In Beijing Charms And Unsettles

US Envoy In Beijing Charms And Unsettles

WSJ 1/19/2011

Summoned for a diplomatic dressing down last year, Jon Huntsman Jr., the U.S. ambassador to Beijing, hopped on his sturdy 'Forever' brand Chinese bicycle and pedaled off to the Foreign Ministry.

Flustered guards there, expecting the U.S. representative to sweep up in an armored Cadillac made him park by a side gate and walk in.

The unceremonious arrival--at once suggesting humility and defiance--was typical of Mr. Huntsman, a Mandarin-speaking former Mormon missionary and the son of a billionaire who has set himself the ambitious goal of 'humanizing' the world's most important bilateral relationship.

Since taking over one of America's top ambassadorial posts in 2009, the former Utah governor and possible Republican presidential candidate has made a habit of challenging diplomatic protocol to both charm and unsettle his hosts.

Over the last year, the father of seven children who used to drive a Harley Davidson around Salt Lake City has, in fact, turned up on his bicycle to receive several official reprimands over issues including U.S. arms sales to Taiwan.

His unusual approach encapsulates the increasingly symbiotic, yet conflicted relationship between the world's dominant power and its emerging Asian rival, one that will be on display when Chinese President Hu Jintao visits Washington this week for the first state visit since 1997.

Huntsman has given key advice to both sides on how to sell the relationship to their respective domestic audiences ahead of the trip and will be on hand for Hu's full itinerary to help choreograph the visit and ensure its success.

'If I were to summarize kind of what everyone's trying to do I think it's to humanize the U.S.-China relationship, to put it in terms that people on both sides really understand,' Huntsman, 50 years old, said in an interview late last week.

'If you can't humanize the relationship, and prove that it's of value to the average citizen, then they're not going to support it, in which case it's of limited value.'

That message rings as true for Beijing as it does for Washington as they try to define their respective roles in the world following a global financial crisis in 2008 that amplified China's emergence as a world power.

The diplomatic certainties that once anchored relations between the two countries have long disappeared. During the Cold War, they found common cause in opposition to the Soviet Union. When China embraced capitalism in the late 1970s, American businesses rushed in to profit from a vast new market for their goods and services. Now, following a series of public disputes last year, China and the U.S. are struggling to define a common agenda that spans the full range of their political, military and economic interests.

'This is a historic visit in the sense that it's the first time ever that both the United States and China have been on the world stage together and they're trying to figure out how to cooperate,' Huntsman said.

'We've met before but never with the glare of the spotlight quite like it is today and the expectations being as high as they are.'

Huntsman was an unconventional choice for the Beijing job: Previous presidents have mostly chosen loyal political supporters with a strong security or business pedigree. Only one was a former elected official, James Sasser, who served in Beijing from 1996 to 1999, and he was at the end of his political career.

When President Barack Obama asked Huntsman to take the post in May 2009, the move was hailed by some Washington pundits as a way to neutralize a potential rival in the 2012 presidential elections.

If that was indeed the idea, its success is not yet guaranteed--Huntsman agreed to do the job only for two years, and hasn't ruled out running in 2012.

He's unusually qualified to represent the U.S. in China following a career that has also included stints as ambassador to Singapore, deputy assistant commerce secretary, deputy trade representative, and an executive in the family plastics business, Huntsman Corp.

Unlike his predecessors, he has a rare combination of political, linguistic and commercial skills. And perhaps more than any other public figure--American or Chinese--his life encompasses the span of modern China-U.S. relations.

In 1971, as an 11-year-old, Huntsman accompanied his father, a plastics tycoon and special assistant to President Richard Nixon, to the White House and met Henry Kissinger just as he was heading to the airport on a secret mission to open diplomatic contacts with China.

Huntsman recalls being allowed to carry Kissinger's briefcase to a waiting car.

After dropping out of high school in the 1970s to play keyboard in a rock band, Huntsman spent two years living as a Mormon missionary and learning Mandarin in Taiwan, the island that Beijing regards as a rebel province. He later resumed his studies and gained a degree in international politics from the University of Pennsylvania.

He first went to Beijing in 1984 when, as a White House aide, he accompanied Ronald Reagan in a meeting with Deng Xiaoping, China's former leader.

As a trade official and as Utah governor, he visited China several times and learned the art of negotiating with Chinese officials. He and his wife also adopted a Chinese girl who was abandoned in a vegetable market in the eastern city of Yangzhou.

In the meantime, Huntsman Corp. has become a major investor in China, with at least five manufacturing facilities.

Since taking over as ambassador, he has had to draw on all that experience to keep relations on track during one of the most testing periods of their evolution.

Soon after he arrived, he invited about 70 Chinese and foreign reporters to his residence, greeted them in fluent Mandarin, and told them to 'Take a look around and feel at home!'.

Huntsman has also made a point of bicycling around the neighborhood where he lives. He queues with his wife for a table at a local hot-pot restaurant, and one of his favorite lunchtime haunts is a simple street food stall serving spicy Sichuan food close to the embassy that's a bit too basic even for his staff.

This week, he invited local reporters to the embassy and began by telling them how his adopted Chinese daughter--one of his seven children--was born in the Year of the Rabbit, about to come around again, and was designing the Lunar New Year card that he was preparing to send.

Touches like these undoubtedly generate goodwill--and positive write-ups in state media.

But Huntsman's political prospects have done as much, if not more, to enhance his influence and access among senior Chinese officials, who follow American politics increasingly closely. His understanding of U.S. and Chinese politics also puts him in the unusual position of being able to explain the importance of improving China's image with the American public.

'It's awfully hard for American families who are trying pay the bills and make some sense of the complicated world we live in to kind of take China and recognize it for what it is and put it in rational terms, particularly after reading [about] the latest flight of the stealth J-20 on the Drudge Report,' he said.

The idea that he could, in theory, one day lead the U.S. may also explain why he gets away with some of his less conventional exploits, according to fellow Western diplomats.

When Chinese authorities abruptly canceled a trip they had organized for him to the mostly Muslim northwestern region of Xinjiang in July, Huntsman went on his own anyway as a private citizen.

'Trade is all good: 400 billion bucks--that's a big account. But there are some other perhaps more sensitive and subtle issues that I think are a direct extension of who we are as people,' he said.

'If you can't somehow fit that in to what you do, even if you break the rules every now and again, then we're just like any other country.'

Jeremy Page

出席白宫国宴的中方人员名单

根据《纽约时报》的名单,出席国宴的中方人员有(这份名单很奇怪,美方人员以姓排序,中方人员以名排序,不知是疏忽还是另有道理):胡锦涛、郑必坚 (中国国际战略学会会长)、戴秉国(国务委员)、王超(商务部副部长)、董建华(全国政协副主席)、陈德铭(商务部部长)、万钢(科技部部长)、朱光耀 (财政部副部长)、张国宝(发改委副主任)、王沪宁(中央政策研究室主任)、李家祥(交通部副部长)、杨洁篪(外交部部长)、令计划(中央办公厅主任)、 江绵恒(中科院副院长)、张平(发改委主任)、王岐山(国务院副总理)、陈世炬(国家主席办公室主任)、崔天凯(外交部副部长)、谢旭人(财政部部长)、 张业遂(驻美大使)、孙毅彪(海关总署副署长),共21人。

Tuesday, January 18, 2011

Mark Wu: China’s Currency Isn’t Our Problem

Harvard Law School

Mark Wu

[faculty photo]

Assistant Professor of Law

Office: Griswold 302
Assistant: Alyssa Lary 617/496-5487
Phone: 617/496-5493
Email: mwu@law.harvard.edu

Research Interests

  • International Trade
  • International Economic Law
  • International intellectual property
  • Globalization and the law of developing countries

Education

  • Harvard College A.B. 1996, Social Studies and East Asian Studies
  • Oxford University M.Sc. 1998, Development Economics
  • Yale Law School J.D. 2007

Appointments

  • Assistant Professor of Law, 2010

Biographical Statement

Prior to joining the faculty in 2010, Mark Wu was an Academic Fellow at Columbia Law School and a law clerk to Judge Pierre N. Leval of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. He has served as the Director for Intellectual Property in the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, where he led negotiations on the IP chapters of various free trade agreements. In addition, he worked as an engagement manager for McKinsey & Co., as an economist and operations officer for the World Bank in China, and as an economist for the United Nations Development Programme in Namibia.

Representative Publications

  • The Law of the World Trade Organization, with Mavroidis, Petros C., George A. Bermann (West Publishing, 2010)
  • "Why Not Brussels? EC State Aid Rules and the Boeing-Airbus Dispute," The Law and Economics of Contingent Protection in International Trade, ed. Kyle Bagwell, et al. (Cambridge University Press, 2009)
  • "Free Trade and the Protection of Public Morals," 33 Yale J. Int'l L. 215 (2008)
  • "Piercing China's Corporate Veil," 117 Yale L.J. 329 (2007)

Bibliography

View bibliography

Subject Areas for Accepting Press Inquiries

  • China
  • Developing countries and international law
  • International intellectual property
  • Trade and protectionism
  • WTO negotiations and disputes

Subject Areas for Supervising Written Work

  • International intellectual property
  • International Trade